Seven Demon Stories from Medieval Japan

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Seven Demon Stories from Medieval Japan Page 26

by Noriko T. Reider


  away either evil or fire to welcome a mountain deity (Okada, “Otogi zōshi no

  bukkyō shisō to minkan denshō” 161). As mentioned earlier, according to

  orikuchi Shinobu, a yamauba was originally a virgin consecrated to a moun-

  tain deity (orikuchi, “okina no hassei,” 363). okada notes that the relation-

  ship between an oni and a yamauba is based on this notion of a mountain

  deity and a maiden who serves the deity. In the text of Blossom Princess, when

  the heroine prays for the mountain deity, she encounters a yamauba and then

  the oni. As the narrator uses the word kijin (oni and deities), this oni himself suggests a mountain deity. The yamauba can be also considered a maiden who

  serves the mountain deity (Okada, “Otogi zōshi no bukkyō shisō to minkan

  denshō” 160–61; Okada, “ ‘Hanayo no hime’ to minkan denshō” 69–70).

  Fifth, regarding the status of the yamauba of Blossom Princess, while the

  old woman of “obasute” remains human after her encounter with an oni

  or deity, the yamauba in Blossom Princess became a supernatural being after

  she began living on the mountain. This is revealed when she says “I was a

  human before.” The yamauba of the “Ubakawa” Type And the “Komebuku

  Awabuku” Type Are supernatural beings from the beginning. one may ask,

  what kind of supernatural being has the yamauba of Blossom Princess become?

  She could be an assistant to, or a manifestation of, Kannon, as many schol-

  ars believe. or she could be a symbolic maiden who serves the mountain

  deity, as okada interprets. Chieko Mulhern, who assumes Blossom Princess

  was written to proselytize Christianity, writes that the yamauba may repre-

  sent a Japanese Jesuit brother (Mulhern, “Analysis of Cinderella Motifs”

  15). Interestingly, Takahashi Mariko points out that the author of Blossom

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  Part III: Women

  table 6.1. Comparative table of Blossom Princess and the mukashibanashi stories of the “obasute” type, “Ubakawa” type, and “Komebuku Awabuku” Type Based on

  Matsumoto, “Chūsei ni okeru mamakotan no ichi kōsatsu.”

  “Komebuku

  Blossom Princess “Obasute” type

  “Ubakawa” type Awabuku” type

  1 Reason(s) for

  Lives long

  Lives long and Not specified

  Not specified

  being on the

  and is hated

  is hated by her

  mountain

  by grandchil-

  daughter-in-law

  dren, so she

  comes to the

  mountain

  2 Yamauba’s task Makes the

  No task. The

  No task

  Makes the

  for the heroine heroine take

  old woman

  heroine take

  worms off the takes lice off

  lice off her

  yamauba’s head her hair by

  head

  herself

  3 What the yam-

  Makes a fire in Escapes from Makes a fire in Makes a fire in

  auba does on

  the cave and

  the hut that

  the hut

  the hut

  the mountain.

  warms herself is on fire and

  by the fire

  warms herself

  by the fire

  4 Yamauba’s rela- An oni is

  An oni’s chil-

  The yamauba’s

  The yamauba’s

  tion to oni

  the yamauba’s

  dren visit the

  hut is an oni’s hut is an oni’s

  husband

  old woman at house

  house

  the fireplace

  5 Yamauba’s

  Supernatural

  Human being

  Supernatural

  Supernatural

  status

  being, but for-

  being

  being

  merly human

  (an assistant

  to or mani-

  festation of

  Kannon, or an

  oni)

  6 Yamauba and

  The yamauba

  The yamauba

  The yamauba

  The yamauba

  gifts

  gives a small

  receives a

  gives ubakawa

  gives a treasure

  bag with trea-

  wish-granting

  box with fine

  sures, ubakinu, mallet from

  clothes in it

  and hanayone

  the oni

  (rice offering)

  children

  Princess seems to consider the yamauba to be an oni. After the happy mar-

  riage of Blossom Princess, the narrator notes, “Moritaka also revered the

  yamauba’s wondrous clothes and had the priests hold a memorial service.

  The mound was built near the Kannon and a wooden grave tablet with a

  divine name and was erected for the clothes so the clothes, which were an

  Blossom Princess

  167

  intrinsic part of the oni’s nature, might be transformed to a Buddha and rest

  in peace” ( MJMT 10: 556). A popular belief dictates that a religious service

  should be held for the departed souls of one’s ancestors so these ancestors

  will protect their descendants. In contrast, unattended souls are considered

  to roam this world to do harm to people as oni. Takahashi notes that the

  yamauba = oni, who does not have anyone who prays for her, can rest in

  peace for the first time after a memorial service is held for her (Takahashi,

  “Otogi zōshi ‘Hanayo no hime’ to minkan shinkō” 30). Earlier in the chap-

  ter I introduced a yamauba as a female oni. It is not unreasonable to surmise

  that the long-living yamauba of Blossom Princess, who roams in the mountains,

  has become an oni. Belief in the yamauba, portrayed as a female oni and

  a bringer of wealth in mukashibanashi, is reflected in the story of Blossom

  Princess along with popular Kannon worship.

  As for the wondrous gifts the yamauba of Blossom Princess gives, they include

  the ubakinu of the “Ubakawa” type, the fine clothes of the “Komebuku

  Awabuku” type, and many more items such as swords, gold and silver, and

  other valuables. As the task the Blossom Princess did for the yamauba is more

  frightening or grotesque—taking snake-size worms off of her head—the

  reward could be substantial. Further, the yamauba of Blossom Princess gives the

  heroine hanayone,17 rice grains offered to the Great Bodhisattva of Mt. Fuji.

  one grain of hanayone keeps Blossom Princess from starving for twenty days.

  The fact that the yamauba possesses the offering suggests that she is some-

  how related to the Great Bodhisattva of Mt. Fuji.

  the Great Bodhisattva of mt. fuji

  During the medieval period, the Great Bodhisattva of Mt. Fuji, another

  name for the Great Bodhisattva of Sengen, was largely considered to be

  the Senju Sengen Kannon (thousand-arms-and-eyes goddess of mercy)

  (Takeya, Fujisan no saijinron 131–41). Senju Sengen Kannon is one of

  the six Kannon, or six basic forms of Avalokiteśvara. Shō Kannon, to

  whom Blossom Princess’s parents prayed for a child, is also one of the six

  Kannon.18 After the happy reunion, the narrator continues, “[Moritaka] had

  a residence hall and pagoda built on a hill and employed twenty Buddhist

 
; priests to conduct religious services for Shō Kannon every morning and

  evening. Because of this miraculous Kannon, many people came to visit”

  ( MJMT 10: 556). There may be a connection between Shō Kannon and

  the Great Bodhisattva of Mt. Fuji, though it may simply reflect the local

  worship of Mt. Fuji—the holy mountain of Suruga Province, the setting

  of the story.

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  Part III: Women

  The story of Blossom Princess ends with Kannon worship: “If you rely

  on the grateful Kannon single-mindedly, your desire will materialize in the

  end and your life in this world will be peaceful. Further, you will be born

  into a good place in your next life. Repeatedly think of compassion from

  morning till night” ( MJMT 10: 559). As mentioned, Kannon’s efficacy is

  advocated throughout the text. This may indicate some involvement of the

  Buddhist priest(s) in creating this text. Likewise, it is noticeable that the

  miko, or diviner, who happens to be in Suruga Province, plays a significant

  role in the story. Without her prediction, the father and princess’s nurses

  would have believed the princess was dead, and the story would have ended

  quickly. The miko’s divination for the princess’s survival and future happi-

  ness gives the father and caretakers of the princess hope and encourage-

  ment to live. The story ended happily because everyone believed in her

  divination. Moritaka “gave the diviner one hundred koku of rice and one

  hundred kan of currency, saying, ‘You foretold well. I couldn’t have known

  happiness or hardship without your divination’ ” ( MJMT 10: 556). Likewise,

  “The princess also sent a gift of a quilted silk garment and one hundred

  gold coins to the diviner with a note that read, ‘Because of your divination,

  I could see my father and nurse once again. How can I not be delighted?’ ”

  ( MJMT 10: 556). The miko’s role is indeed crucial, and she is a focal point.

  The narrator then states that the princess becomes the diviner’s long-term

  patron, as if soliciting the readers or audience to do the same. Miko, itiner-

  ant or temple-based preacher(s), may be involved in the formation of this

  otogizōshi text.19

  COntemPOrary BeLiefs anD CustOms

  refLeCteD in blOssOM PRincess

  shūto-iri (the Bride’s father enters his son-

  in-Law’s house for the first time)

  The text of Blossom Princess also reveals some interesting contemporary

  beliefs and customs. one such custom is shūto-iri, or the first time the bride’s

  father enters his son-in-law’s house. After the wedding, the bride’s father

  goes to the bridegroom’s house and there is a banquet; note that the shūto-

  iri customs vary according to region. According to Yanagita Kunio and

  Ōmachi Tokuzō, the term shūto-iri is widely used as one of the marriage

  rituals. For example, in Awa (present-day Tokushima prefecture), on the

  day after the wedding the bride’s parents and the go-between make courtesy

  calls at the bridegroom’s house and neighborhood. In the Shimoda area of

  Izu (Izu peninsula in present-day Shizuoka prefecture), shūto-iri means that

  Blossom Princess

  169

  the parents of both the bride and the bridegroom go to each other’s houses

  to exchange expressions of gratitude (Yanagita and Ōmachi 200–201).

  The author of Blossom Princess spends several pages describing the custom,

  focusing on Moritaka’s actions with a detailed list of the gifts Moritaka

  brings to the Saishō family. As Moritaka happily travels to see his long-lost

  daughter at Saishō’s residence, the middle councilor (Saishō’s father) brings

  his grown-up children with him to meet Moritaka, and the parents exchange

  greetings with saké. Moritaka gives each member of Saishō’s family luxuri-

  ous presents, such as scrolls of gold brocade, a fine horse with a gold sad-

  dle, and a gold sword. Saishō’s family members are not the sole recipients

  of the gifts; those “from the ladies-in-waiting to lowly servants received

  numerous and diverse gifts. The clan’s men and household retainers, with-

  out omission, from the old to the young, were given horses, saddles, armor,

  and swords,” so much so that the narrator exclaims, “ ‘What a splendid

  entry of the father-in-law!’ said the people of the Middle Councilor’s quar-

  ters” ( MJMT 10: 553).

  The very elaborate description of Moritaka’s gift-giving to each mem-

  ber of the middle councilor’s family is notable. The enumeration of the

  presents could simply indicate how wealthy Moritaka is—Moritaka is intro-

  duced at the beginning of the story as “an exceptionally wealthy man [who]

  lived in a mountain village near the foot of the famous Mt. Fuji in Suruga

  Province” and had “all the abundant treasures any man could desire.”

  It could, however, also be interpreted as a record of the nuptial gifts or

  instructions for wealthy families in the countryside to emulate. In other

  words, the author or narrator may have intended to introduce a list of ideal

  gifts for shūto-iri for those who have the financial ability to provide such

  gifts but do not know the exact etiquette to follow. It could also be that the

  author or narrator simply wanted to exhibit his cultural knowledge. In either

  case, the author or narrator may have belonged to the cultural elite and been

  familiar with customs and manners.

  Suruga Province, the setting of the story, was famous for its flourishing

  aristocratic Imagawa culture ( Imagawa bunka), named after the Imagawa clan

  who ruled Suruga Province and created that culture. After the Ōnin War

  (1467–77), a number of aristocrats and cultural elites of the capital went to

  Suruga and Tōtōmi (present-day western Shizuoka prefecture) to avoid the

  chaos of Kyoto and brought their cultural heritage with them. Imagawa cul-

  ture is called one of the “Three Great Cultures of the Warring Periods,” the

  other two being the Ōuchi culture of Suō (present-day Yamaguchi prefec-

  ture) and the Asakura culture of Ichijōdani of Echizen (present-day Fukui

  prefecture). one of the similarities of the three cultures is that all three

  170

  Part III: Women

  warlords—Imagawa, Ōuchi, and Asakura—invited aristocrats from Kyoto

  to pursue aristocratic customs and traditions (owada 213).20 Imagawa cul-

  ture reached its peak with Imagawa Yoshimoto (1519–60), whose mother

  was a Kyoto aristocrat, and he spent part of his childhood in a Zen temple

  in Kyoto. Sunpu, the capital of Suruga Province, is called the “Kyoto of the

  eastern provinces.”

  The middle councilor, who is “an aristocrat formerly attending the

  imperial court in the capital” and who “moved to this [Suruga] province

  because there was something unpleasant happening in the capital,” could

  be applicable to the situation of an aristocrat who went to Suruga (or heard

  about things in Suruga) to avoid the inconvenience of Kyoto ( MJMT 10:

  537). Social gatherings held at the middle councilor’s house also seem to

  reflect the times. An example is the gathering for the incense-smelling cere-

  mony—a fashionable pursuit among aristocrat
s in the late medieval period.

  It is recorded that at Sunpu, Imagawa Yoshimoto’s mother, Jukeini (?–1568),

  and her ladies enjoyed the incense gatherings, particularly an activity called

  Juchūkō in which participants would guess the correct name of a selected

  incense (owada 229–30).21 In Blossom Princess, too, the middle councilor’s

  family, originally from Kyoto, often gathers to enjoy the incense-smelling

  activity. Blossom Princess produces her own incense at the “bride’s contest.”

  Blossom Princess’s right to inheritance

  Another custom is women’s right to an inheritance. The inheritance of land

  for the warrior class began to change to primogeniture around the four-

  teenth century, but if there was no male child, a female was permitted to

  inherit the estate(s) as long as the property was not divided. Even after the

  fourteenth century, the right to possess property was not totally denied to

  a female of the warrior class (Nagahara, “Joseishi ni okeru Nanbokuchō •

  Muromachi ki” 152–56). This custom is reflected in Blossom Princess as well.

  Moritaka has no children other than Blossom Princess, and she seems to

  have been able to inherit Moritaka’s land and properties just as her mother’s

  requested of Moritaka on her deathbed—that he marry Blossom Princess

  to someone appropriate and have her succeed Moritaka. Blossom Princess,

  however, is not the sole manager of her properties, as can be seen from her

  nurse’s comment: “It will be difficult for the princess to succeed you and

  maintain this house all by herself. If you ask your former mother-in-law,

  there may be some appropriate suitor in her clan to marry our princess

  and succeed this house with her” ( MJMT 10: 519–20). obviously, Blossom

  Princess is to manage the estate with her husband, and Saishō is adopted

  Blossom Princess

  171

  into Moritaka’s family to lead the clan. The narrator describes that “Moritaka

  makes Saishō succeed to his lordship, and hands over his fiefdom, his resi-

  dence, and his many warehouses to both Blossom Princess and Saishō, who

  is renamed Tango no kami Moriie to succeed Moritaka” ( MJMT 10: 557).

  As Moriie succeeds the lordship and moves to Moritaka’s land, the cor-

  rect way of shochi-iri (the lord’s first entry to his land after he receives his

  fief) is described as a serious concern: “The Middle Councilor came out

  with his two children to see the party off as a celebration of Moriie’s first

 

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