4.4.5.3 Problematic parent-child interactions (attachment)
One’s attachment style can also be seen as a set of enduring characteristics for making sense of one’s life experiences and interactions (Mitchell & Beech, 2011). This model is maintained irrespective of whether the relationship between an individual and their primary caregiver in childhood was positive or negative, and hence is a model for the individual’s future social interactions, and whether these are broadly negative or positive throughout their lifespan. Secure attachments give rise to internal working models of others as safe, helpful and supportive (Baldwin, 2005), while an insecure attachment style causes the individual to become focused on the power of others to control or reject them (Gilbert, 2005). See Box 4.6 for an outline of the four attachment styles – one secure and the other three (dismissive, preoccupied, disorganised) insecure styles – identified in childhood and adulthood. It is of note here that the three insecure attachment styles are more likely to predispose some individuals to offend in certain circumstances. Craissati (2009), for example, notes that violent criminals’ lives are associated with extremely disturbed attachment representations. A number of other authors have noted the role of coercive parent-child interactions and the absence of a positive and affectionate bond between parent and child, neglect, inconsistent parenting and severity of punishments (e.g., Frodi, Dernevik, Sepa, Philison, & Bragesjö, 2001; Greenberg, Speltz & DeKlyen, 1993; Sampson & Laub 1990).
BOX 4.6 CHILDHOOD ATTACHMENT STYLES (ADULT ATTACHMENT STYLES IN BRACKETS)
Secure (secure) is a style characterised by objective evaluations of attachment- related experiences, whether these are good or bad. This pattern is associated with sensitive and responsive parenting in childhood. Individuals with a secure attachment style, in childhood and adulthood, have been found to have high levels of self-esteem, viewing others as warm and accepting, and reporting being able to achieve high levels of intimacy in close adult relationships.
Avoidant (dismissive) is a style characterised by an emphasis on achievement and self-reliance at the expense of intimacy. This pattern is associated with a rejecting or interfering parenting style, in that the parent has behaved in a remote, cold and controlling way. Hence, if parents are emotionally unavailable the child will tend to pull away from them and so develop a way of operating that minimises reliance on others for support, as a child and later in life. This leads to deactivation of attachment mechanisms, ultimately resulting in an adult who is emotionally autonomous, and only ready to express self-preservative behaviours, at the expense of any warm, interpersonal interactions with others. By definition, such a person would be expected to show some antisocial characteristics from time to time, as they are often self-absorbed, and unwilling to approach others for help and emotional support.
Ambivalent (preoccupied) is a style that is characterised as the individual being enmeshed in past (typically childhood) attachment experiences, and having an inability to report a coherent view of interactions with others. This style has been found to be associated with an individual experiencing an inconsistent parenting style in childhood, where the parent/s behave in ways that interfere with the child’s autonomy or exploration, leading the individual to be uncertain of the quality of relationships, and living in fear of rejection in later life. Hence, the person has a sense of confusion, especially when it comes to relational issues. This style is associated with a heightened sense of rejection, feelings of general incompetence and inadequacy and, in extremis, social withdrawal. This style can be often observed in those who sexually abuse children.
Disorganised (disorganised) is the style most often associated with parental maltreatment, or where the primary caregivers have experienced an unresolved loss or trauma of their own. Here a parenting style that is frightening (or frightened) leads to the situation where the child is caught in a conflict where what should be their source of security becomes a source of fear. Individuals with this style may not be actively hostile in their interactions with others, but may behave in a passive-aggressive manner. This attachment style is common in individuals with psychiatric disorders, and in some cases can lead individuals to act out in an aggressive manner.
As for the development of attachment patterns outlined in Box 4.6, these are also shaped by a combination of genetic factors and social experiences (Fonagy, 2001). For example, recent molecular genetic studies have suggested that different attachment styles may reflect variations in the genes for the neurotransmitters, dopamine and serotonin (Gillath, McCall, Shaver, Baek, & Chun, 2008). Hence, a particular form (polymorphism) of the DRD2 dopamine receptor gene is associated with an insecure style of attachment characterised by preoccupied/anxious attachment; while a polymorphism of the serotonin 5HT2A receptor gene is associated with an avoidant style of attachment. However, even though these candidate genes predispose a person to a certain style of social interaction, the predisposed style can either emerge or be modified by early social experience, and can either act as protective factors or can potentiate antisocial behaviours.
Neurotransmitters are chemicals re- leased by neurons to send signals to other nerve cells. Serotonin (5- hydroxytryptamine, 5HT) is found in the central nervous system, as well as in the gastrointestinal tract and blood platelets. As a neurotransmitter it is responsible for maintaining mood balance, in that a deficit can lead to depression. Dopamine is produced in several areas of the brain, and functions as a neurotransmitter and acts as a hormone release. Most types of reward increase the level of dopamine in the brain, and most addictive drugs increase dopamine neuronal activity.
Box 4.7 outlines very briefly the neurochemistry of attachment.
BOX 4.7 THE NEUROCHEMISTRY OF ATTACHMENT
The process of attachment at a neurobiological level is primarily driven by the release of neuropetides, oxytocin (OT) and arginine vasopressin (AVP), and their subsequent actions on the amygdala the orbital prefrontal cortex and the anterior cingulate cortex.
OT and AVP are important hormones in the peripheral nervous system but when released in the limbic system, particularly the amygdala and the hippocampus, they act like neurotransmitters.
The central release of OT and AVP is associated with the emergence of social bonding, stress regulation, social communication and emotional reactivity.
Release of OT and AVP can also occur as a consequence of socially pleasant sensory experiences, such as comforting touches and smells (Uvnas-Moberg, 1998; Wismer Fries et al., 2005).
Levels of OT and AVP are modulated by the actions of the neurotransmitters serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine, 5HT) and dopamine.
Large surges in OT, peripherally and centrally, are found in sexual climax and sexual “afterplay” (in both human males and females) (Blaicher et al., 1999; Caldwell 2002), and hence can be seen as the “love chemical”.
AVP released into the brain during sexual activity, initiates and sustains patterns of activity that support the pair-bond between the sexual partners; in particular, AVP seems to induce the male to become aggressive towards other males in non- human species.
Although the exact role that AVP release plays in human attachment behaviours is currently unclear it is assumed to be necessary for the consolidation of social memory.
PHOTO 4.3 Prolonged separations from parents, combined with frightening threats from parents/caregivers, lead children to feel a dysfunctional level of anger.
Source: © Elena Kouptsova -Vasic/Shutterstock
As regards specific types of insecure attachment and their relationship to offending patterns, Weinfield, Sroufe, Egeland and Carlson (2008) note that children with avoidant or disorganised attachment styles were likely to show angry, aggressive behaviours with parents and peers, perhaps in response to rejection and insensitivity by the caregivers, or because of the situation of having a caregiver who is frightening or frightened, while Saltaris (2002) found that a history of abuse and extremely disturbed attachment representations led to a marked lack of empathy towards others a
nd was associated with subsequent violent criminality. Lyons-Ruth, Alpern and Repacholi (1993) note that disorganized attachment, together with maternal psychosocial problems, were highly predictive of hostile behaviours in young children. Finzi, Ram, Har-Even, Shnitt, and Weizman (2001), found that physically abused children were characterised by an avoidant attachment style, and were aggressive and suspicious of others.
Traumatic brain injury (TBI) occurs when an external force traumatically injures the brain.
4.4.5.4 Traumatic brain injury (TBI)
TBI can predispose to violent criminal behaviour in later life (e.g., Hughes et al., 2015; Leon-Carrion & Ramos, 2003). A number of large, longitudinal studies have repeatedly shown an increased incidence of delinquent behaviour among youth with a history of TBI (Asarnow, Satz, Light, & Neumann, 1991). Another study, which used more severe criteria in the definition of traumatic brain injury than the previous study, found that 27.7% of the delinquents in their sample had a history of TBI (Carswell et al., 2004). As Aguiar (2016) notes, the reasons for this are that TBI can affect particular parts of the brain, such as the orbital prefrontal cortex, which underpins executive function. The reason for the damage to the OPFC is that this is situated at the very front of the brain, and can be easily damaged, by falls, car accidents, assaults and so on. Such executive function problems can lead to a lack of interpersonal sensitivity and, in extremis, impulsive reactive aggression (Aguilar, 2016). Evidence from a meta-analysis of 39 studies incorporating data from 4,589 individuals examining the relationship between executive dysfunction and antisocial behaviour has been reported by Morgan and Lilienfeld (2000). They found significant effect sizes for juvenile delinquency (d = .86) and for conduct disorder (d = .46). Hux, Bond, Skinner, Belau, and Sanger (1998) found that half of the juvenile delinquents in their sample had a history of TBI, and a third of the delinquents with TBI were thought by their parents to have neuropsychological sequelae from their injuries. We will now briefly examine some interventions that would appear to be useful in modifying the environmental risk factors outlined above.
4.5 MODIFYING ENVIRONMENTAL RISK FACTORS
Obviously, not all risk factors for criminal behaviour (e.g., male gender; having a biological parent with a history of criminal behaviour) are modifiable. However, there are some risk factors (e.g., smoking, nutrition) that potentially can be modified. Some of these interventions are outlined in Box 4.8.
BOX 4.8 INTERVENTIONS TO MODIFY ENVIRONMENTAL RISK FACTORS
Successful interventions have been developed to reduce prenatal alcohol exposure (Chang, Wilkins-Haug, Berman, & Goerz, 1999; Chang, McNamara, Orav, & Wilkins- Haug, 2005).
Interventions have been designed to reduce smoking in pregnancy, but these have been less effective (Ershoff, Ashford, & Goldenberg, 2004).
Other studies have sought to correct nutritional deficits. One randomised, double-blind, placebo-controlled study was performed in a sample of 486 state schoolchildren to see if a daily multivitamin and mineral supplement could reduce antisocial behaviour. (Schoenthaler & Bier, 2000). The treatment group had a 47% reduction in antisocial behaviour after four months, compared to controls.
A randomised, double-blind, placebo- controlled trial of omega-3 fatty acid supplementation was carried out in a sample of 50 children. The intervention group had a 43% reduction in conduct disorder problems (Stevens et al., 2003), compared to controls.
Other interventions address more than one risk factor at a time. For example, one highly successful intervention for prevention of later criminal and antisocial behaviour involved home nursing visits for pregnant and new mothers. Parenting, health, and nutritional guidance were provided in the sessions (Olds et al., 1998).
Prenatal education on nutrition, health, and parenting has been found to lead to reductions in juvenile delinquency at age 15 (Lally, Mangione, & Honig, 1988).
A multidimensional intervention was tested in a randomised control trial, involving physical exercise, nutritional and educational enrichment in a sample of 3–5-year-olds. The intervention was found to significantly reduce antisocial behaviour at age 17, and criminal behaviour at age 23, and was especially effective for the subgroup of children who displayed signs of malnutrition at age 3, suggesting the nutritional aspect of the treatment was particularly beneficial (Raine et al., 2003).
As for interventions in adulthood, Hansen et al. (2015) found that a long-term fish oil intervention improved executive function in inpatients with antisocial traits and a history of alcohol and drug abuse.
4.6 SUMMARY
The brain itself is organised by a lifetime of experience. If the process goes well then an individual become a well-adjusted child, adolescent and adult.
The speed at which the matured social brain comes on-line is biased by early experiences. For some people, it never really takes place because they are subject to adverse developmental courses, early deprivation and other suboptimal rearing conditions, poor attachment experience and, in a number of cases, traumatic brain injury.
These risk factors can have very real effects upon the brain, and hence individuals are operating at a sub-optimal level, in terms of having poor emotional recognition skills, behaving impulsively and in some cases aggressively, and committing crimes associated with such problems.
The good news is that even in adulthood, the brain is continuously remodelling itself. However, the rate of synaptic formation is much slower in adulthood with synapses generally being formed based only on specific experiences in the adult’s life. For example, it has been found that there is an increase in the size of the hippocampus, an area of the brain associated with memory, in those learning to be black cab London taxi drivers, (e.g., Maguire, Woollett, & Spiers, 2006).
Lazar et al. (2005) found that the thickness of middle pre-frontal OPFC and the insula (areas associated with empathy, and controlling intense emotions and impulses) correlated with time spent in mindful meditation. This suggests that even where individuals have been subject to the level of problems that have been discussed in this chapter, there is a possibility of rewiring/remodelling the brain.
It is probably true to say that the science of epigenetics will become increasingly important in understanding crime. Just because an individual has a genetic make-up that may predispose to crime in certain circumstances it is the environmental factors that will trigger such tendencies. Evidence would suggest that there are a number of situations where there are genetic-environmental interactions. For example, the development of problematic attachment patterns outlined in Box 4.7 are shaped by a combination of genetic factors and social experiences (Fonagy, 2001).
Molecular genetic studies have suggested that different attachment styles may reflect variations in the genes for the neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin (Gillath, et al., 2008). Hence, a particular form (polymorphism) of the DRD2 dopamine receptor gene is associated with an insecure style of attachment characterised by preoccupied/anxious attachment, while a polymorphism of the serotonin 5HT2A receptor gene is associated with an avoidant style of attachment (Gillath et al., 2008).
However, even though these candidate genes predispose a person to a certain style of social interactions, the predisposed style can either emerge or be modified by early social experience, and can either act as protective factors or can potentiate antisocial behaviours.
ESSAY/DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
Name two prenatal risk factors and two post-natal risk factors for the development of crime.
Are any risk factors modifiable and, if so, what public policy remedies can you suggest that could reduce criminal behaviour?
Describe the difference between structural brain imaging studies and functional brain imaging studies.
What do ACE models studies tell us about the contributions of genetic and environmental influences on crime?
How important are adverse childhood experiences in understanding crime.
Could brain imaging information be used in criminal trials and, if so,
how?
ANNOTATED READING LIST
Bartol, C.R., & Bartol, A.M. (2008). Criminal behavior (8th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. This text has several good chapters on biological risk factors of criminal behaviour. The information is presented lucidly and at a basic level.
Beech, A.R., Carter, A.C., Mann, R.E., & Rotshtein, P. (Eds.) (in press). The handbook of forensic neuroscience. Oxford: Wiley. This edited book provides an overview of general neuroscience, the neurobiology of offending, the neurobiological bases to risk factors for offending, and the neuroscience of rehabilitation.
Hodgins, S., Viding, E., & Plodowski, A. (2009). The neurobiological basis of violence: Science and rehabilitation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Good overview of the neorobiology of violence by leading reserachers in the area.
Mitchell, I. (2014). Broken brains. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave MacMillan. This is a good introduction to the brain, and what happens when things go wrong.
Forensic Psychology Page 22
