by Amanda
The Macedonian defeat of Porus did not escape the notice of the
neighbouring rajahs. Taxiles must have been somewhat disappointed with
the way things turned out: it was quite paradoxical that Porus had received
greater rewards than he. However, Alexander persuaded the two rajahs to
make peace. Granted extra territories and the victor’s trust, Porus soon
became Alexander’s chief ally in the Punjab. The changeable Abisares,
who had already formally surrendered to Alexander once before but
apparently intended to come to Porus’ assistance, now sent gifts to his
brother’s victor, including 40 elephants. Tributes also came from Punjabi
tribes that were subjects of none of the Indian monarchs.32 However, the
other Porus whose domain lay to the east of Acesines and who had before
the battle supported Alexander against his western neighbour and
namesake now feared this recently vanquished namesake on account of the
favours Alexander had bestowed upon him and so fled from his own
kingdom. This action gave Alexander a convenient pretext to wage war.
He personally commanded his fastest units and led it across the Acesines,
which during the rainy season was up to 3 km wide, to its eastern bank.
Alexander instructed the Porus who was now his ally to muster his army
and elephants, while Coenus was to lead the rest of the Macedonian army
across the Acesines. Alexander marched post-haste across the other Porus’
kingdom reaching the river Hydraotes, while his generals Craterus and
Coenus foraged the land for food and fodder. Hephaestion completed the
conquest of this land, which was subsequently attached to the realm of the
Porus who was Alexander’s ally.33 It was in this land that the Macedonians
saw one of the most amazing trees in India: the Indian fig tree called the
banyan. The Western world learned of this peculiar tree thanks to
information gathered during the expedition and related by Theophrastus.
The feature that surprised the Western observers most were its branches,
which sprang roots; new trunks grew from these branch roots and thus an
entire forest could spread from a single tree. The largest banyan known to
modern science covers an area of 1.5 ha and has c. 300 trunks. The
32 Arr., An. , 5.20.4-6; Diod., 17.90.4; Curt., 9.1.7-8; ME, 65. Bosworth 1995, pp.
319-320.
33 Str., 15.1.8 (quoting Nearchus = FGrH, 133 F18 and Aristobulus = FGrH, 139
F35); Arr., An. , 5.20.8-21.6; Diod., 17.91.1-2; Curt., 9.1.35. Seibert 1985, p. 158;
Bosworth 1995, pp. 322-327.
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somewhat exaggerated descriptions of Alexander’s expedition state that as
many as 10,000 people could hide beneath this tree.34
The people living beyond the Hydraotes did not surrender to Alexander.
By that time he considered himself to be the lord of this part of India and
therefore those who did not surrender were branded rebels. A tribe the
sources call the Cathaeans had great faith in their fortified capital, Sangala,
which was located somewhere three days’ march from the Hydraotes. It
was from behind this city’s fortifications that they decided to resist
Alexander. They arranged three rows of wagons in front of their town and
it was from behind these wagons that they decided to face the enemy.
Naturally such primitive obstacles were easily overcome by Alexander’s
soldiers. The barbarians soon became disheartened and at night tried to
escape from their city. They were stopped from doing so by the
Macedonian cavalry and so a regular siege began. The Cathaeans once
more tried to break out of the city but were again driven back. Once Porus’
army had arrived and the Macedonian engineers set up the siege engines,
the storming of the city began. Sangala was captured. The sources claim
that 17,000 Indians were slain, whereas on the Macedonian side only 100
soldiers were killed and 1,200 wounded. This example of Macedonian
military efficiency and ruthlessness impressed the region’s remaining
inhabitants, who now prudently volunteered to submit to Alexander. The
greatest beneficiary of this war was Porus, to whom Alexander granted the
conquered territories. Such an exceptional success in terms of territorial
expansion suggests that Porus not only accompanied Alexander during the
summer of 326, but also encouraged him to march on towards the
southeast.35 The land of the Cathaeans lay next to the kingdom of a ruler
the Greeks called Sopeithes. The rivers Acesines and Hydraotes cut
through this realm, which stretched all the way to the Hydaspes and may
have also included territories to the west of this river bordering Porus’
kingdom from the south. According to one of the participants of the
expedition, Onesicritus, this state practiced an extreme form of eugenics.
Physically impaired or just not beautiful enough infants were killed for the
sake of creating a nation of people with exceptional physical qualities.
Sopeithes, who was naturally also of exceptional physical beauty, accepted
Alexander’s suzerainty without putting up any resistance. He also hosted
the Macedonian army for seven days. The ancient authors mention that
34 Thphr., HP, 1.7.3, 4.4.4; Str., 15.1.21 (quoting Onesicritus = FGrH, 134 F22 and Aristobulus = FGrH, 139 F36); Nearchus, ap. Arr., Ind. , 11.7 (= FGrH, 133 F6); Diod., 17.90.5; Plin., Nat. , 12.22-23. Karttunen 1997, pp. 131-132.
35 Arr., An. , 5.22-24; Diod., 17.91.2-4; Str., 15.1.30; Curt., 9.1.14-23; Polyaen.,
4.3.30; Just., 12.8. Goukowsky 1975, p. 297; Bosworth 1995, pp. 327-337.
Expedition to India
315
Sopeithes gave Alexander extremely fierce and vicious hunting dogs used
in show fights with lions.36
Now, on the way to Hyphasis (today Beas), which was the penultimate
river in eastern Punjab, the Macedonian army only had to cross the
kingdom of a king the Greeks called Phegeus. This rajah immediately
presented Alexander with gifts and acknowledged him as his suzerain. The
army stayed in this kingdom for two days. Then at dawn they marched off
for the Hyphasis, which they reached within a day’s march. Beyond that
river they were convinced they would reach the Ocean. It was only then
that Phegeus disclosed to Alexander and his men the truth about this part
of India. This revelation was confirmed by the trusted Porus. The sources
state that the next great river, the Ganges, was a twelve days’ march away.
This seems plausible, as the Hyphasis at the point which Macedonians are
said to have reached is 250 km from the Yamuna, only a tributary of the
Ganges but one generally not distinguished from Ganges in Antiquity.
Other information which the Macedonians now learned was less close to
the truth, namely, that they would have to cross a desert to reach the
Ganges. Alexander also learned that the Ganges region was occupied by a
powerful state (the Nanda Empire) which allegedly had at its disposal
200,000 foot soldiers, 20,000 horsemen, 2,000 chariots and 4,000
elephants. These figures are without doubt exaggerated, but such rumours
may well have been heard in the Punjab at the time. According to Western
sources the basic p
lausibility of Phegeus’ revelation regarding the military
strength of the Nanda state was additional information regarding the low
origins of the Nandas, which was also confirmed by independent Indian
sources. Even Porus, the greatest beneficiary of Alexander’s expedition
further east, supposedly expressed the opinion that the army should
proceed no further and instead consolidate its control over territories
already conquered.37
For Alexander, who wanted to continue the march, all this news came
as a great shock. But the soldiers were even more disappointed. For more
than four of the preceding months (from May to September 326) they had
fought a difficult campaign and the most difficult of conditions, including
70 days of continual monsoon rain. Moreover, so far they had covered on
horse or on foot 18,000 km and the prospect of a further march seemed
36 Str., 15.1.30-31 (quoting Onesicritus); Diod., 17.91.4-92.3; Curt., 9.1.24-35;
Plin., Nat. , 8.148-149; Ael., NA, 4.19, 8.1; ME, 66-68. Eggermont 1993, pp. 14-20; Karttunen 1997, pp. 52-53, 174-175.
37 Diod., 17.93; Curt., 9.1.36-2.7; Plu., Alex. , 62.2-5; Plin., Nat. , 6.68; ME, 68-69; Just., 12.8. Bosworth 1996a, pp. 74-80; Karttunen 1997, pp. 35-37; Hamilton 1999,
pp. 170-174.
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quite unbearable. Alexander was aware of murmured complaints in the
ranks and so tried to appease the soldiers by allowing them to plunder the
surrounding areas. But this failed to noticeably improve the mood. The
king therefore summoned his officers hoping to get them to convince the
soldiers that continuing the expedition until they reached the ocean was
essential. Alexander’s speech presented in the works of Arrian and Curtius
Rufus is (as is usual in the works of ancient authors) obviously fiction.
The officers are said to have listened to their monarch in silence and only
after some time did he manage to persuade anyone to speak out. The first
to pluck up the courage was Coenus – one of the most senior officers in
both age and rank who was greatly trusted by Alexander. Although the
actual words recorded by the same two authors were also the work of their
imaginations, the arguments Coenus is said to have put forward are in all
probability the ones the soldiers really used. He drew the king’s attention
to how tired his army was, to the feeling that marching on was pointless
and the longing to return home. Coenus’ speech was met with a loud
chorus of approval among those gathered. Alexander could therefore
clearly see who represented the views of the officers and soldiers. He
broke up the conference but the following day he announced that he would
go on regardless and whoever wished to follow him could choose to do so.
Alexander, convinced that his soldiers would never desert him, retired to
his tent and for three days waited for his army’s spontaneous declaration
of solidarity. But it did not happen. Alexander lost this battle of wills and
ordered a retreat. This was probably the most painful decision in his life.38
The court historiography presented by Ptolemy states that Alexander
had sacrifices offered for a successful expedition but, despite several
attempts, none was accepted by the gods. This was no doubt intended as
an explanation for posterity of why the great conqueror on this one
occasion decided to turn back. Yet already Arrian relates this account with
evident incredulity. In Arrian’s narrative it was at most an excuse the
heavens conveniently provided for Alexander to save face. Whatever the
case, the change of plan was eventually announced to the soldiers, who
greeted it with an explosion of joy; many were said to have tears in their
38 Arr., An. , 5.25-28; Diod., 17.94; Curt., 9.2.8-3.19; Plu., Alex. , 62.6-7; Just., 12.8.
Tarn 1948, i, pp. 98-100; Wilcken 1967, pp. 185-187; Schachermeyr 1973, pp.
433-442; Hamilton 1973, pp. 116-118; Lane Fox 1973, pp. 367-371; Green 1974,
pp. 407-411; Bosworth 1988, p. 133; Bosworth 1996a, pp. 186-200; Hammond
1996, pp. 218-219; Hahn 2000, p. 19; Worthington 2004, pp. 159-160.
Disregarding ancient sources some scholars deny that Alexander really wanted to
continue with his expedition: Badian 1985, pp. 46-467; Spann 1999; Heckel 2007,
pp. 120-125; Heckel 2009a, pp. 80-81.
Expedition to India
317
eyes.39 Before the return march began Alexander ordered twelve alters to
be erected. No doubt these twelve altars were erected to the twelve gods of
Olympus to thank them for the victories won so far. But they also marked
the eastern perimeter of Alexander’s expedition into Asia, just as the altars
to the north of the Jaxartes marked the northern border of his conquests. In
marking out the extremities of his domain Alexander was imitating his
mythological ancestor Heracles, who had also left monumental Pillars of
Heralces (Gibraltar) at the western end of the known world. Plutarch
relates what is perhaps just a legend that kings of the Maurya dynasty
sacrificed on these altars and among those who did so was the dynasty’s
founder, Chandragupta, who had allegedly met Alexander in India and
honoured his memory. We do not know how long Alexander’s altars
survived but the claim Nero’s contemporary Apollonius of Tyana offered
sacrifices there is generally considered to be entirely made up by the
wandering philosopher’s biographer, Flavius Philostratus. The ‘Vulgate’
narrative of these altars as much as 50 cubits (25 m) high appears in the
context of a bogus fortified camp established on Alexander’s orders. Beds
measuring 5 cubits (2.5 m) and oversize stables were put inside this camp
to give the impression to potential enemies that the Hyphasis was reached
by an army of super-humans. If this story is true, the supposed objective
would have been to secure a safe retreat for the Macedonian army.40
Before setting off, Alexander offered sacrifices on the giant altars and
ordered gymnastic contests. He also decided to grant the territories
conquered up to the Hyphasis to Porus. According to Plutarch, the Indian
received the title of satrap.41
4. Towards the Ocean
The march began in the early autumn of 326, most probably in September.
The army next set up camp somewhere on the Acesines. There
Hephaestion was instructed to found a town and populate it with natives
and mercenaries, but, apart from this snippet of information from Arrian,
nothing is known about this settlement. It was there that envoys arrived
39 Arr., An. , 5.28.4-29.1 (quoting Ptolemy = FGrH, 138 F23); Str., 15.1.27.
Bosworth 1995, pp. 355-356.
40 Arr., An. , 5.29.1; Diod., 17.95.1-2; Str., 3.5.5; Curt., 9.3.19; Plin., Nat. , 6.62; Plu., Alex. , 62.6-9; Plu., mor. , 542d; ME, 69; Philostr., VA, 2.43; Orosius, 1.2.5.
Tarn 1940, pp. 91-92; Eggermont 1975, pp. 26-27; Oikonomides 1988, pp. 31-32;
Bosworth 1995, pp. 356-357; Karttunen 1997, pp. 53-54, 257-258; Huttner 1997,
pp. 102-106; Hamilton 1999, pp. 174-175; Pushkas 2001.
41 Arr., An. , 5.29.2, 6.2.1; Plu., Alex. , 60.15.
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with gifts from Abisares. Among them was a prince called Arsaces.
also acknowledged his rule over Arsaces’ statelet. Alexander left northern
Punjab under the de facto control of tribute paying rajahs and the only
considerable Macedonian military presence left in Taxila. To a degree, this
resembles the policy practiced later by the Romans of relying on client
states in the East in non-Hellenised areas not imbued with urban culture.42
By the time the Macedonian army reached the Hydaspes the monsoon
rains had ended. The now weathered fortifications of Nicaea and
Bucephala were repaired and ships were built from timber collected earlier
to sail down the Hydaspes. Certain similarities between the Punjab and
Egypt, particularly the appearance of crocodiles (though the Nile crocodile
was decidedly larger) led Alexander’s companions to for believe that the
Indus was an upper part of the Nile. By the autumn of 326, however, the
Macedonians were informed by the natives that the Indus flowed into the
Ocean. To reach the Indus they had to travel down successive Punjabi
rivers.43
Exhausted by a long campaign and the continual dampness after
months of monsoon rain, many Macedonian soldiers succumbed to
diseases, others suffered from snake bites. Therefore it must have been
with a considerable sense of relief that the army received a shipment of
medicines that had no doubt been ordered before the Indian campaign and
now arrived from Greece. The medicines, 300 talents in weight, were
immediately distributed among the ailing. The sources remain silent as to
the effectiveness of these medicines. They had been sent by Harpalus
together with a detachment of 5,000 Thracian horsemen and 7,000 infantry.
This detachment also delivered 25,000 panoplias for the foot soldiers; the
rainy season had rotted and rusted their original armour to such an extent
that it was rendered useless. It was also on the banks of the Hydaspes that
Coenus passed away. The sources unanimously state that he died of a
disease, but that has not stopped modern historians from speculating that
