Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death

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Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death Page 63

by Roger Manvell; Heinrich Fraenkel


  R.58/739). VB, Mar 29.—Unpubl. diary, May 9, 13, 1935.

  40 Ibid., Jan 10, 1935.

  41 Ibid., Jan 12, 1935. ‘In her second month… I hope, I hope it’s a boy!’

  42 Diary, Mar 22, Aug 1, 15, Sep 8, 1935.

  43 Unpubl. diary, Apr 9, 11, 1935.

  382 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  44 Diary, Apr 29, Sep 19, 25, Oct 1, 1935.

  45 Ibid., Apr 15, Aug 1, Sep 4, 1935.

  46 Ibid., Apr 21, 23, 1935.

  47 Ibid., Jul 3, 1935 (‘I console her to the best of my ability’).

  48 Ibid., Jul 8, 1935.

  49 Ibid., Jul 13, 1935.

  50 Fromm diary, Nov ,12, 1935.

  51 Diary, Aug 3, 1935.

  52 Ibid., Jul 25, Aug 9, 15, 27, 31, 1935.

  53 Ibid., Sep 25, 1935.

  54 Ibid., Oct 3, 1935.

  55 Ibid., Oct 5, 1935. Otto Meissner’s wife later claimed the real father was Hitler: Stars &

  Stripes, Oct 9, 1946.

  56 Post mortem on Hellmut Goebbels, May 1945; Behrend, op. cit., No.8, Feb 23, 1952;

  JG diary, Oct 3, 1941 on the need to put Hellmut with other boys. ‘Nothing’ll come of a boy

  who grows up surrounded by girls.’ (BA file NL.118/28).

  57 Diary, Oct 24, 1935.

  58 Ibid., Nov 21, 1935.

  59 Ibid., Oct 26, 1935.

  60 Ibid., Oct 24, 1935; and ZStA Potsdam,Rep.50.01, vol.748.

  61 t 9, 1935.

  62 Borresholm, 139.

  63 Diary, Dec 9, 11, 1935.

  64 JG to Anka, Christmas 1935 (Irene Prange papers); diary, Jan 1, 9, 1936.

  65 Ibid., Jan 11, 19, 21, 23, 1936.

  66 Ibid., Jan 29, 1936.

  67 Ibid., Jan 29, 1936.

  68 Ibid., Mar 4, 1936.

  69 Ibid., Aug 21–27, 1935; JG’s testimony in subsequent court proceedings, 1936 (BA file

  Kl.Erw.550); Daluege’s final report (BA file R.19/77), and police file (ibid., /406).

  70 Diary, Oct 11, 13, 1935; the deaths of Gauleiter Wilhelm Loeper and Ministerialrat

  Otto Laubinger, head of his Dept.VI, Theatre also unsettled him: Ibid., Oct 24, 26, 28; Nov

  1, 9, 1935.

  71 Newton to Hoare, Jul 31, 1935 (PRO file FO.371/18858).

  72 Diary, Dec 1, 1935; Borresholm, 137f.

  73 Diary, Jan 11, 13, 19, 1936. Staging his own press ball he was careful to pre-empt

  comparisons (ibid., Jan 17, 1936).

  74 Ibid., Oct 6, 1936.

  75 Ibid., Oct 13, 1935.

  76 RMVP budget for fiscal 1935. Revenues were 18·45m marks higher than estimated;

  increased domestic propaganda and cultural efforts would increase costs to 37,893,650 marks,

  partly offset by savings from closing down the Pornographic Literature Censorship office.

  Rebuilding the opera house had cost 2.9m. JG’s ministerial salary was 102,840 marks less

  21,640 across-the-board cut, or 86,000 net ($21,000). (ZStA Potsdam, Rep 50.01, vol.1059).

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 383

  77 Julian Petley, Capital and Culture. German Cinema 1933-45 (London, 1979), 60; Viktoria

  de Grazia, ‘Mass Culture and Sovereignty. The American Challenge to European Cinemas,

  1920–1960,’ in Journal of Modern History, vol.61, Mar 1989, 53ff.

  78 Diary, Oct 15, 1935.

  79 Premiere in Munich’s Gloria Palace cinema, Mar 28; Best Film, May 1; major triumph

  at Venice festival (diary, Aug 27, 1935).

  80 Interview with Riefenstahl, Jul 15, 1989. Ufa Filmverleih loaned her 300,000 marks to

  make ‘Triumph,’ of which she used 270,000. JG diary, Mar 25 (unpubl.), Aug 17, 21; Oct 3,

  10; Nov 7, 1935.

  81 Ibid., Nov 27, 1935.

  82 Ibid., Jul 21, 23, Aug 17, 1935.

  83 Ibid., Sep 6, 9, 1935.

  84 Interrogation of Hans Fritzsche, Nov 1, 1946 (ZStA Nuremberg, F86); and Karl Hederich,

  Jul 9, 1948 (ibid., G15).

  85 Diary, Jul 15; he referred to the demo in a speech at Essen, Aug 4; Newton to Hoare,

  Aug 6, 1935 (PRO file FO.371/18858).

  86 12 Uhr Blatt, Feb 17, 1933.

  87 Rösner to legal dept of SA-Gruppe Berlin-Brandenburg, May 4, 1935, quoting witnesses

  Oberführer von Arnim and (the late) Karl Ernst. Hanussen’s killers were named as

  the SA men Schmidt alias Schweinbacke, Obersturmbannführer Ohst (Ernst’s adjutant),

  and Steinle (BDC file, Helldorff).

  88 SA Gruppe Berlin-Brandenburg to Röhm, Mar 29, 1933 (BDC file, Helldorff).

  89 Rösner minute, Feb 2, 1935; in Helldorff’s file (BDC) are receipts for 500 and 1,000

  marks signed by him on Feb 9 and Mar 4, and by Stabsführer von Arnim for 400 marks on

  Mar 4, 1933.

  90 Diary, Jul 19, 1935; and BDC file, Helldorff.

  91 Manchester Guardian, Aug 24, 1935: ‘Starving out the Jews.’ RMVP to German FO, Sep 9,

  1935 (NA film T120, roll 467, 4318).

  92 Taubert report.—Acquitted at the Reichstag fire trial, Torgler had been taken into ‘protective

  custody’ during which he and fellow communist deputy Maria Reese jointly wrote

  this manuscript. The book was suppressed (JG diary, Dec 2), but Torgler himself was freed

  (diary, Dec 23, 1935); Hitler subsequently paid him 800 marks monthly as a consultant

  provided he did not resume his public career (diary, Dec 25–6, 1937). In 1940 he began

  working for the RMVP’s black transmitters. See BA files R.55/450, 567, and 1289.

  93 Kommunismus ohne Maske (Munich, 1935); Phipps to Hoare, Sep 16, 1935 (PRO file

  FO.371/18883).

  94 For Hitler’s reluctance, see e.g. diary, Jun 25, 1936: ‘Führer strongly disapproves of

  work of all the race agencies.’

  95 Circular directive by Hinkel to presidents of the sub-chambers, Apr 29, 1936 (BA file

  R.56V/102).

  96 Ibid., Sep 17, 1935.

  97 Ibid., Oct 1, 5, Nov 1, 7, 15, 1935.

  98 Ibid., Sep 19, 1935.

  384 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  99 Ibid., Sep 25, 1935. The Bundesarchiv would not permit me to review the missing

  word. See Introduction.

  100 Ibid., Oct 1, 1935.

  101 Ibid., Oct 19; Cabinet, Oct 18; and see Oct 26, Nov 15, 1935.

  102 Ibid., Nov 1, 1935.

  103 Ibid., Nov 6, 1935. Emil Ludwig, Der Mord in Davos (Amsterdam, 1936), on which see

  ZStA Rep.50.01 file 998.

  104 Ibid., Dec 9–16, 1936. Speaking at Magdeburg in ‘impressive language’ (Phipps) on the

  world menace of Jewry, JG stated: ‘I regret that the foreign press should display the attitude

  “it is not the murderer but the murder victim who is guilty”’ (Phipps to FO, Feb 22, 1936.

  PRO file FO.371/19922).

  105 Files on the case in ZStA Potsdam, Rep.50.01, files 570, 714–5, 994–7, 999, 1040.

  97 Diary Jul 5, 1936.

  106 Phipps to FO, Nov 3, 1936 (PRO file FO.371/19924).

  107 JG speech to Eleventh International Penal and Prison congress in Berlin, Aug.1935

  (ibid., /18880); NYT, Aug 28, 1935.

  108 JG speech to Wehrmacht academy, ‘The Nature of Propaganda,’ (NA film T78, roll 372,

  5312ff.)

  109 Unpubl. diary, May 15, 1935.

  110 Ibid. May 15, 25, 27, 1935.

  111 Ibid., May 27, 1935.

  112 Diary, Aug 19, 1935. As Italy became more deeply involved in Abyssinia JG longed for

  Britain to declare war on Italy. ‘That’s when we’ll reap the harvest.’

  113 Ibid., Oct 13, 15, 1935.

  114 JG speech to gau, Jan 17—the DAZ, Jan 18, alone printed the missing passage; Phipps

  to FO, Jan 18 (PRO file FO.371/19922); The Times, Jan 18, 1936.

>   115 Diary, Jan 21, 1936.

  116 JG speech in Cologne, Jan 24; British consul general in Cologne, J E Bell, to Phipps, Jan

  27, 29, 1936 (PRO file FO.371/19884).

  117 Diary, Feb 29, 1936.

  118 Ibid., Mar 2, 1936.

  119 Ibid., Mar 6, 1936.

  120 Ibid., Mar 8, 1936.

  121 Ibid., Mar 17, 1936.

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 385

  Goebbels

  25: A Man of Property

  SPEAKING on March 10, 1936 Goebbels clearly implied that Germany now had an

  agenda. ‘We are a first rate political power,’ he bragged. ‘There is no serious

  opposition in the whole nation… Only three years have passed. Thirty years, three

  hundred years will pass. Germany will become a world power. We shall no longer be

  plagued as pariahs. We shall fight for that world position which we deserve. Germany,’

  he concluded, intoxicated by the audience’s noisy delight, ‘is once more capable

  of striking out.’1

  Striking out? Where, and when? Hitler discussed several options with him. Germany

  might offer to refrain from fortifying her frontier with France, in return for

  some of her former African colonies. Goebbels agreed that was not a bad idea. ‘You’ve

  got to take what you can get,’ he said. ‘We can always build the fortifications later.’2

  HITLER had called an election to endorse his action in the Rhineland. The climax was

  vintage Goebbels. He ordained that fifteen minutes before Hitler broadcast from

  Krupps’ munitions works in Essen, a fitting stage, on March 27, every radio station

  would transmit the command to Hoist Flags on every building and homestead in

  Germany, to flutter until the election was over. As Hitler himself stepped to the

  microphone at four P.M., the Krupps’ sirens were to hail ‘the beginning of the Führer’s

  great appeal for peace,’ joined by the klaxons of every factory, locomotive, barge,

  386 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  and ship. While these sirens sang all traffic was to halt, demonstrating that the entire

  nation stood behind the Führer and his ‘policy of peace.’ The election’s eve, Saturday

  March 28, was to see immense demonstrations throughout the country. Ten minutes

  before eight P.M. the great bells of Cologne’s Gothic cathedral would toll, splendidly

  amplified throughout the radios of the country, their clangour fading only as Hitler

  himself began to speak. After that, decreed Goebbels, the entire nation in unison,

  sixty-seven million voices, would sing the ancient Netherlands Prayer of Thanksgiving

  (to which he was particularly attached). Then would come the crucial Goebbels

  master-stroke—the deft touch which set him apart from all his imitators: every

  radio station would fall silent for fifteen minutes, marking a reverent end to this, his

  1936 campaign.3

  Thus it came to pass. Two weeks earlier he had written, ‘This election just can’t go

  wrong.’ (It would have been a miracle if it had, as the ballot papers bore only the

  names of Hitler and, in suitably smaller print, of Göring, Hess, Goebbels, and Frick;

  there was no provision whatever for voters to express dissent.4) On Sunday March

  29 98·6 percent of the voting population streamed into the polling booths, and 98.7

  percent of those voted for Hitler—44,399,000 adult Germans, opposed now by

  only 542,000 doubters.

  A concrete gesture of Hitler’s gratitude followed.

  For some months Goebbels, now a best-selling author, had been wondering if he

  could afford to buy their summer cottage at Cladow.5 On one visit to Obersalzberg

  Goebbels had told Max Winkler, his business adviser, that he wanted to provide for

  his family and was thinking of buying a farm. Winkler advised against it—the minister

  would only lose money on the land. Besides, what funds had he in mind? After he

  mentioned this idea to Hitler, who promised to have a word with Goebbels’ publisher

  Amann6, the minister raised his sights and inspected a more luxurious redbrick

  property on Schwanenwerder, a millionaire’s peninsula jutting into the Wannsee

  lake.7 The villa and its gate lodge in Insel Strasse stood on a gentle wooded incline

  verging on the bullrush fringed lakeshore.The property had, it seems, formerly be-

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 387

  longed to one of the Barmat brothers, the Jewish embezzlers who had fled to Holland

  even before Hitler came to power.8 It was now in the name of the Jewish bank

  director Oskar Schlitter.9 Almost ten years earlier, Dr Goebbels and Angriff had repeatedly

  inveighed against ‘Schweinenwerder’ (Isle of Pigs) as a ‘Jew-boys’ paradise.’10

  Now he was going to ‘out-Jew’ them all.

  At the climax of the Rhineland election campaign Karl Hanke brought the necessary

  papers over to Goebbels at Godesberg.11 Hitler whole-heartedly approved of

  the purchase. He believed in assisting his best lieutenants to become men of property.

  12 The final purchase price was 270,000 marks. He personally phoned Goebbels

  from Munich guaranteeing that the money would be forthcoming—‘Amann has

  turned up trumps again,’ Goebbels wrote. He moved his family, including his young

  sister Maria, into the Schwanenwerder property just before Easter 1936.13

  How did he eventually finance the deal? Goebbels asked Winkler to discuss the

  capital value of his private diaries with Max Amann, the party’s publisher. Amann

  accompanied him back to Berlin one day in October and they agreed terms: Goebbels

  had in mind an outright payment of three million marks for the diaries, but Amann

  came up with a different proposal: Goebbels should sell all rights to Amann, for

  publication twenty years after his death. ‘250,000 marks immediately and 100,000

  marks per annum. That,’ Goebbels recorded in a massive understatement, ‘is most

  generous.’14 This was undoubtedly the cash he handed over in November to complete

  the Schwanenwerder deal.15

  MEANWHILE Magda has furnished the guest lodge for her idol, Adolf Hitler. In later

  years he will often show up unannounced, bringing perhaps Jakob Werlin, general

  manager of Daimler-Benz, to sample her crême caramel. His adjutant tips the

  Goebbels’ servants and, later, will surrender to her the food-ration coupons for Hitler’s

  share of the meal.16

  For most of 1936 Magda Goebbels alternates between a sulky obstinacy and uxorial

  bliss. She grouses that she never has enough housekeeping money but the ministry’s

  records show that two days before they move in to Schwanenwerder Goebbels has

  388 GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH

  ordered his ministerial and parliamentary salaries paid directly into her bank account.

  17

  She resigns herself to his (perhaps imagined) infidelities.18 Vacationing with her in

 

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