69.Ibid., pp. 442–3.
70.Ibid., p. 444.
71.Ibid., p. 444.
72.Ibid., p. 444.
73.Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood: Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), p. 156.
74. Macaronic Sermon Collection, p. 448. The passage in full: “And he himself fearing lest because of man’s weakness the sickness of sin might rise again, he ordained the wise recipe of confession that as soon as he felt any urges, or pleasure, or desire in his heart, he would go tell this humbly to his curate, he would receive penance for it and he would be cured from sin. So this doctor omitted nothing that would cure the human soul. Since therefore you have sufficient remedies and medicines, and can place the blame on no one if you be damned, take heed therefore for the love of God and see how the pelican pierced his breast that his young might live. Take heed and see how Christ, the son of God, poured out the blood of his heart to cure you from your sickness and purge you from your sin. And [since] this noble leech Christ Jesus shows you all goodness, love, fear, and adore him with your whole heart. And as soon as you will be in any grievance of sin or any bodily danger, call out to this crafty leech and take these wholesome medicines. For, as the prophet says, ‘He pardons all your iniquities and heals all your ills’, Psalm 102. And whoever will purge himself from the sickness and filth of sin through shrift and contrition and to please God keep his life in the health of virtue and of good living, what I took for my theme can be confirmed to him, he has made him whole without end, as I said in the beginning.”
75.Ibid., p. 270.
76.Ibid., p. 94.
77.Ibid., p. 90.
78.James Wetzel, “Augustine” in The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Emotion, ed. John Corrigan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 349–363 (p. 350).
79.Soskice, Metaphor and Religious Language, p. 57.
80. Oxford English Dictionary, “synecdoche” from the Prologue to the Old Testament of the Wycliffite Bible, dated 1397.
81.James Jerome Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: a History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), p. 370.
82.Carla Casagrande and Silvana Vecchio, Passioni dell’anima. Teorie e usi degli affetti nella cultura medievale (Florence: SISMEL-Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015), pp. 166–7.
83.Augustine, Concerning the City of God Against the Pagans, ed. Henry Bettenson (London: Penguin, 1972) IX.4–5.
84.Simo Knuuttila, Emotions in Ancient and Medieval Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 173.
85.Ibid., p. 180 passim.
86.Simo Knuuttila, “Emotions,” in Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy: Philosophy Between 500 and 1500, ed. Henrik Lagerland (London: Springer Science & Business Media), pp. 290–4, (p. 291).
87.Ibid., 58. On the influence of the Pantegni in the Middle Ages, see G. J. McAleer, “Majusi, Al,” in Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine: an Encyclopedia, eds. Thomas F. Glick, Steven John Livesey and Faith Wallis (New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 325–326, and Danielle Jacquart and Charles Burnett, eds. Constantine the African and Ali ibn Abbas al-Magusi: the Pantegni and Related Texts, (Leiden: Brill, 1994).
88.Knuuttila, Emotions in Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, p. 215.
89.Carrera, “Anger and the Mind-Body Connection,” p. 108.
90.Dimitri Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna’s Philosophical Works (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
91.Knuuttila, Emotions in Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, p. 224.
92. On the Properties of Things, vol. 1, p. 107.
93.Simo Knuuttila, “Medieval Theories of the Passions of the Soul,” in Emotions and Choice from Boethius to Descartes, ed. Henrik Lagerlund and Mikko Yrjönsuuri (London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2002), pp. 49–83 (p. 61).
94.Peter King, “Late Scholastic Theories of the Passions: Controversies in the Thomist Tradition,” in Emotions and Choice, ed. Lagerlund and Yrjönsuuri, pp. 229–58 (p. 229).
95.See, Aquinas’ treatise on the passions is found in the Summa Theologica, II–I, q. 22–48. See also Robert Miner, Thomas Aquinas on the Passions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). On the significance of this development of the neutrality of the passions, see Casagrande and Vecchio, Passioni dell’anima, pp. 182–3.
96.Elisabeth Uffenheimer-Lippens, “Rationalized Passions and Passionate Rationality: Thomas Aquinas on the Relation Between Reason and the Passions,” Review of Metaphysics, 56 (2003): 525–558 (p. 536).
97.Nicholas E. Lombardo, “Emotions and Psychological Health in Aquinas,” in Emotions and Health, ed. Carrera, pp. 19–46 (p. 27).
98.Uffenheimer-Lippens, “Rationalized Passions,” p. 528.
99.Nicholas E. Lombardo, The Logic of Desire: Aquinas on Emotion (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University Press, 2011), p. 101.
100.Lombardo, The Logic of Desire, p. 101.
101.Eileen C. Sweeney, “Aquinas on the Seven Deadly Sins: Tradition and Innovation,” in Sin in Medieval and Early Modern Culture: the Tradition of the Seven Deadly Sins, eds. Richard G. Newhauser and Susan J. Ridyard (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2012), pp. 85–106 (p. 98).
102.Lombardo, “Emotions and Psychological Health,” p. 25.
103.Ibid., p. 38.
104.William Ockham, Quaestiones in librum tertium Sententiarum (Reportatio), eds. Franciscus E. Kelley and Girard J. Etzkorn (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), qu. 12; qu. 17.
105.Sweeney, “Aquinas on the Seven Deadly Sins,” p. 98.
106.William Ockham, Quodlibetal Questions, Volume 1: Quodlibets 1–4, ed and trans. by Alfred J. Freddoso and Francis E. Kelley (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991), p. 155. For Latin text, see Quodlibeta septem, ed. Joseph C. Wey (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: St. Bonaventure University, 1980).
107.Kent, “On the Track of Lust,” p. 369.
108. Select English Works of John Wyclif, ed. Thomas Arnold, vol 1, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1869), p. 187.
109.Chaucer, Boece in Riverside Chaucer, Book I, metrum 7.
110.Reginald Pecock, The Folower to the Donet, ed. Elsie Vaughan Hitchcock, EETS o.s. 164 (London: Oxford University Press, 1924), p. 94. None of Pecock’s works survive in more than one copy yet there is evidence that he had an audience. Kirsty Campbell, The Call to Read: Reginald Pecock’s Books and Textual Communities (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010).
111.Pecock, The Folower to the Donet, p. 112.
112.Ibid., p. 79.
113. Fasciculus Morum, p. 475.
114.Canon 21 of the Fourth Lateran Council calls the faithful who have reached the age of discretion [annos discretionis] to confession. According to Aquinas’ discussion of venial sin, sinners only bear responsibility for their sin when they can discern good from evil. Thus, the English Lay Folk’s Catechism instructs confessants to “have mynde: how ofte þou hast brokyn godys hestys. Sytthe þou haddyst dyscrecioun of good and euyl.” The Lay Folks’ Catechism, eds. Thomas Frederick Simmons and Hendry Edward Nolloth, EETS o.s. 118 (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1901), p. 41. In practice, the “age of discretion” for confession appears not to have been so rigid. Different authors set it at seven, at ten, and generally, at puberty. See Tentler, Sin and Confession, p. 70.
115.See Irina Metzler’s discussion in Fools and Idiots? Intellectual Disability in the Middle Ages Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 2016), pp. 157–60.
116. Mirror of Justices, ed. William Joseph Whittaker (London: Selden Society, 1895), pp. 139–40.
117.A distinction pointed out by W. J. Turner in Care and Custody of the Mentally Ill, Incompetent, and Disabled in Medieval England (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), p. 132.
118.Ibid.
119.Kevin Bennardo, “Of Ordinariness and Excuse: Heat-of-Passion and the Seven Deadly Sins,” Capital University Law Review 36 (2008): 675–92.
120. Summa Virtutu
m de Remediis Anime, ed. Siegfried Wenzel (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), pp. 54–5. This popular mid-thirteenth century treatise on the virtues survives in many manuscripts and is often paired with Peraldus’ Summa Viciorum. See Wenzel’s notes in the introduction to his edition.
121.Angela Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine and the Friars in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), p. 38 and Ziegler, “Religion and Medicine,” in Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages, eds. Peter Biller and Joseph Ziegler (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2011), p. 5.
122.Quoted in E. Ruth Harvey, The Inward Wits: Psychological Theory in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London: Warburg Institute, 1975), p. 14.
123.London, BL MS Royal 12 B 25, cited in Ziegler, “Religion and Medicine,” in Religion and Medicine, ed. Biller and Ziegler, p. 6.
124.M. K. K. Yearl, “Medicine for the Wounded Soul,” in Wounds in the Middle Ages, ed. Kirkham and Varr, pp. 109–128.
125.See Eugene Ashby Hammond, “The Westminster Abbey Infirmarers’ Rolls as a Source of National History,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 39 (1965), p. 261; M. K. K. Yearl, “Medieval Monastic Customaries on Minuti and Infirmi,” in The Medieval Hospital and Medical Practice, ed. Bowers, pp. 175–93; Montford, Health, Sickness Medicine and the Friars, p. 243.
126. Summa Virtutum de Remediis Anime, pp. 196–99.
127. Fasciculus Morum, p. 140.
128.Geoffrey Chaucer, “Parson’s Tale,” in The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), X.831.
129.Pecham’s Quodlibeta quatuor, quod. 1, q. 15.6, cited in Resnick, Marks of Distinction, p. 33.
130. Supplications from England and Wales in the Registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary, 1410–1503, ed. Peter D. Clarke and Patrick N. R. Zutshi (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013).
131.Aquinas, Summa Theologica 3, q. 82, art. 10, resp. 3 and Robert of Flamborough, Liber poenitentialis, 3.173, p. 166: “Casum hic voco eventum aliquem in corpore humano ex quo quis promoveri impeditur, ut est aliquis morbus vel corporis vitium ex incisione vel laesione proveniens. Dico ergo generaliter quod omnis morbus vel tale vitium promotionem impedit quod in celebratione scandalum introducit, vel ex mentis alienatione, vel ex inordinata corporis dispositione. Morbus, ut lepra, impetigo enormis in facie, id est sicca scabies, epilepsia, apoplexia.” Liber poenitentialis, Robert of Flamborough, Canon-penitentiary of Saint-Victor at Paris: a Critical Edition, ed. by J.J. Francis Firth (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1971). There are at least 26 manuscripts of Liber poenitentialis. See also J. J. Firth, “The Penitentiale of Robert of Flamborough: an Early Handbook for the Confessor in Its Manuscript Tradition,” Traditio 16 (1960): 541–56.
132.Monica H. Green, Kathleen Walker-Meikle, and Wolfgang P. Müller, “Diagnosis of a ‘Plague’ Image: a Digital Cautionary Tale,” The Medieval Globe 1 (2014): 309–26.
133.Ibid., p. 320.
134.Ibid., p. 321.
135.Chaucer, “Parson’s Tale,” in Riverside Chaucer, X.622.
136.“The ‘Perambulauit Iudas …’ (Speculum Confessionis) attributed to Robert Grosseteste,” eds. J. Goering and F. A. C. Mantello, Revue Bénédictine 96 (1986), pp. 125–168 (pp. 151–152). The text is known to survive in four manuscripts, two from the thirteenth century and two from the fifteenth century. The attribution to Grosseteste occurs only in the later manuscripts.
137. The Book of Vices and Virtues, p. 203.
138.Ibid., p. 206.
139.Ibid., p. 206.
140.Ibid., p. 206.
141.Darrel Amundsen discusses multiple levels of causality regarding sin and sickness in his essay “The Medieval Catholic Tradition,” in Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions, ed. Ronald L. Numbers and Darrel W. Amundsen (New York: Macmillan, 1986), pp. 65–107 (p. 76).
142.Ibid., p. 9.
143.The scholar Siegfried Wenzel ponders whether “this connection is merely a figure of speech, or symbolic, or indeed causal, medico-pathological.” Siegfried Wenzel, “The Seven Deadly Sins: Some Problems of Research,” Speculum 43.1 (1968): 1–22 (p. 8).
144. The Book of Vices and Virtues, p. 156.
145.Robert Grosseteste, Templum dei, eds. Joseph Goering and F.A.C. Mantello (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1984), p. 64. See also Joseph Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality in Terrestrial Paradise,” in Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages, eds. Biller and Ziegler, pp. 201–42.
146.For example, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 1280 contains Templum Dei in addition to sermons and miscellaneous medical texts, such as charms and a phlebotomy guide. Andrew Reeves, Religious Education in Thirteenth-Century England: the Creed and Articles of Faith (Leiden: Brill, 2015), p. 81.
147.Original Latin in Christopher R. Cheney and Frederick M. Powicke, eds., Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church II, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 2:1075; trans. by John Shinners and William J. Dohar in Pastors and the Care of Souls in Medieval England (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 1998), pp. 183–84. See Langum, “Discerning Skin,” pp. 141–60. There are at least 11 manuscripts extant of Peter’s Summula; see Joseph Goering and Daniel S. Taylor, “The Summulae of Bishops Walter de Cantilupe (1240) and Peter Quinel (1287),” Speculum 67 (1992: 576–594.
148.Robert Mannyng, Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne, ed. F. J. Furnivall, EETS o.s., 119, 123 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1901–3), p. 317–9. The text exists in at least nine manuscripts, three of which are complete. See Fritz Kemmler, “Exempla” in Context: a Historical and Critical Study of Robert Mannyng of Brunne’s “Handlyng Synne” (Tübingen: Narr, 1984). On this passage as preserving specialist knowledge of the clergy, Fiona Somerset, “‘Mark Him Wel for He is On of þo:’ Training the ‘Lewed’ Gaze to Discern Hypocrisy,” ELH (2001): 315–334 (p. 319).
149.Joseph Ziegler, “The Biology of the Virtues in Medieval and Early Renaissance Theology and Physiognomy,” in Im Korsett der Tugenden, Moral und Geschlecht im Kulturhistorischen Kontext, eds. Mariacarla Gadebusch Bondio and Andrea Bettels (Hildesheim: Olms, 2013), pp. 3–23 (p. 14).
150.Guilelmus Peraldus Summa Virtutum ac Viciorum (Mainz, 1618), pp. 36–8.
151.Alexander Carpenter, cited and translated in Edwin Craun, “‘It is a freletee of flessh’; Excuses for Sin, Pastoral Rhetoric, and Moral Agency,” in In the Garden of Evil, ed. Newhauser, pp. 170–92 (p. 180). A similar argument occurs in Fasciculus Morum, p. 477: “there are some people who wickedly excuse themselves by blaming God for their sin, especially their sin of the flesh. For some say they just cannot be continent, and thereby accuse God of injustice. Because if God has commanded man to do something which he cannot do, God would be unjust and cruel. And likewise, if he were to condemn man for what he cannot avoid, he would act like a tyrant.”
152.Chaucer, “The Parson’s Tale,” in Riverside Chaucer, p. 306–7 X.585–4.
153. Book to a Mother: an Edition with Commentary, ed. Adrian James McCarthy (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Ameriktanistik, 1981), p. 91. Four copies are extant. See Nicole R. Rice, “Devotional Literature and Lay Spiritual Authority: Imitatio Clerici in Book to a Mother, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 35.2 (2005): 187–216.
154. Vizi capitali e pianeti in un sermone del Cinquecento inglese, ed. Giovanni Iamartino (Milan: vita e Pensiero, 1988), p. 77. The sermon occurs uniquely in Shrewsbury School MS. 3.
155. The Middle English Wise Book of Philosophy and Astronomy: A Parallel-Text Edition, ed.
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