The SAGE Handbook of Persuasion

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The SAGE Handbook of Persuasion Page 36

by James Price Dillard


  Empathy

  Given that reactance can be considered as an alloy of anger and negative cognition (Dillard & Shen, 2005), messages that inhibit unintended anger and reduce counter-argument should diminish reactance as well. It has been proposed that empathy-arousing messages fall into that strategy (Shen, 2010b, 2011). Empathy during message processing is defined as a perception-action process that occurs when the perception of the characters’ state automatically activates the recipients’ vicarious experience of the characters’ state, situation, and objectives. Such empathic responses are conceptualized to have three components: perspective taking, emotional contagion, and identification (Shen, 2010a). Perspective taking means that the message recipients adopt the viewpoint of the message and its source, which means counter-argument is less likely. Emotional contagion means that the recipient’s emotional experiences would be similar to those portrayed in the message, thus less unintended emotions (including anger).

  The function of empathy lies in social bonding and relationship development, which indicates that it contradicts or inhibits the core relational theme for anger (a demeaning offense against me and mine, Lazarus, 1991). Identification with the persuasive message means that the recipients tend to consider the persuasive attempt as less external, which reduces perceived threat to freedom, hence mitigating psychological reactance. There has been empirical evidence that in addition to a direct impact on persuasion, state empathy indeed mitigates psychological reactance (Shen, 2010b, 2011). Shen also identified three message features that are believed to induce empathy: the degree to which a message portrays characters’ pain and suffering, the degree to which the message is realistic, and the degree to which the message is affect-laden. These studies provided initial evidence that empathy can be an effective means to reduce reactance.

  Sensation Value

  Message sensation value refers to “the degree to which formal and content audio-visual features of a message elicit sensory, affective, and arousal responses” (Palmgreen, Donohew, Lorch, Rogus, Helme, & Grant, 1991, p. 219), with sensation value being a critical determinant in message effectiveness. Messages high in sensation value elevate arousal or stimulation due to being dramatic, exciting, and novel (Morgan, Palmgreen, Stephenson, Lorch, & Hoyle, 2003). Similarly, perceived message sensation value refers to a message recipient’s judgments of message sensation value along three dimensions (Palmgreen, Stephenson, Everett, Baseheart, & Francies, 2002): dramatic impact, emotional arousal, and novelty. Kang, Cappella, & Fishbein (2006) advance the intriguing argument that high sensation value messages can distract audiences from refuting the argument, that is, reduce counter-arguing, thereby enhancing ad persuasiveness. The results are complex. They show an interaction between argument quality, message sensation value, risk for marijuana use such that high risk adolescents judged the high quality–high sensation value messages as particularly ineffective. As the authors note, one challenge to interpretation lies with the fact that the high quality argument messages contained five times more commands than the low quality argument messages. A reactance perspective might suggest that this aspect of the message reduced persuasive impact especially among the pro-attitudinal (i.e., high risk group).

  Working in the same area, Quick (in press) explicitly examined the relationship between the three dimensions of perceived message sensation value and reactance. His study of anti-marijuana messages showed no observable effect for either dramatic impact and emotional arousal. However, perceived novelty did significantly reduce reactance levels. Hence, the available data, though few in number, indicate that message novelty may be an effective means of preventing reactance effects. This knowledge provides direction for research and application, but cannot alone solve the context-bound problem of developing genuinely new reasons for behavior change.

  Reactance as a Persuasive Strategy

  Quick and colleagues (2009) argued that arousing reactance could serve as a motivator for individuals to support clean indoor air policies. They discovered that as individuals’ anger increased following exposure to secondhand smoke, they were more likely to support clean indoor air policies. Therefore, as a rhetorical strategy, Quick et al. advocated the use of messages emphasizing the violation of one’s right to breathable air could be an effective strategy, which in turn would motivate individuals to actively support clean indoor air initiatives. Mining a similar conceptual vein, Turner (2007) presents a framework for understanding political action that is motivated by choice-reduced anger.

  A similar application of reactance-based persuasion can be seen in the “truth” campaign, a successful long-term effort to discourage smoking among Florida youth (Bauer, Johnson, Hopkins, & Brooks, 2000; Siegel & Biener, 2000). Interestingly, the website notes explicitly the potential for reactance effects: “Tell someone not to do something and they will. … We’re not here to tell people not to smoke, because, well, it doesn’t work” (truth®, 2012). However, the anti-smoking ads themselves leverage reactance effects by portraying the tobacco industry as controlling and deceptive (Farrelly, Davis, Haviland, Messeri, & Healton, 2005). One message underscores industry efforts to manipulate adolescents in this way:

  In response to the fact that 5 million people around the world die annually due to tobacco, individuals outside of a major tobacco company sing and dance to a catchy song suggesting the ingredients in cigarettes, the health costs associated with smoking, and the number of deaths annually must be a typo. At the end of the ad, one of the performers say, “Wait, there is no way there is that many typos.”

  The campaign itself was a notable applied success. More intensive study of the messages using contemporary methods for assessing reactance could provide insight into the basis for that achievement.

  New Directions for PRT Research

  * * *

  In keeping with the themes developed throughout this chapter, we see several promising possibilities for future research. Foremost among them is working toward a better understanding of the message features that enhance and diminish reactance. As currently formulated, many of the message concepts discussed in this chapter have their roots in lay perceptions of language rather than crafted scientific theories. A turn toward sociolinguist frameworks, such as politeness theory, or basic interpersonal communication theory might provide a perspective on message design that would move PRT in a forward direction.

  Future research might also assess reactance proneness as a moderator variable in large-scale campaigns in much the same way sensation seeking has been examined in the past. In theory, reactance proneness appears to be an especially important segmentation strategy for adolescents and young adults, in particular because this is an age when reactance arousal is heightened (see Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Burgoon, Alvaro, Grandpre, et al., 2002; Woller, Buboltz, & Loveland, 2007). Answers to at least two questions are needed before it can be concluded that trait reactance is a useful general strategy: (1) To what extent, if any, is it empirically distinct from sensation seeking? (2) Can trait reactance predict patterns of message choice and consumption (as has been done so effectively for sensation seeking)?

  Future research should seek to understand reactance as a strategy of empowerment. By broadening depictions of reactance as a potentially useful state, not just an aversive state, social influence researchers might be able to capitalize on opportunities to infuse change, particularly among adolescents who value their freedom and strongly oppose persuasive attempts aimed at reducing these freedoms. Understanding reactance as the basis for change is surely equal in importance to its role as a force for counter-persuasion.

  Finally, we reemphasize the value of studying reactance as a process. Mass communication research might also benefit from application of PRT. Extant work has hypothesized that PRT can play a pivotal role in media selection, particularly among adolescents (Bushman & Cantor, 2003; Scharrer & Leone, 2008; Sneegas & Plank, 1998). Essentially, these researchers assert that media ratings restricting individuals from viewing particular prog
rams or playing certain videogames enhance the attractiveness of the content (referred to as forbidden-fruit effect). Like other classic studies of PRT, media selection is limited by its reliance on outcomes associated with reactance rather than measuring the state directly. Media effect research would benefit from this approach, just as classic PRT inquiry has advanced by focusing on mediating processes.

  Conclusion

  * * *

  As of this writing, reactance theory is almost half a century old. The fact that it still inspires questions and motivates research is testimony to the power of its ideas. Looking back, there is ample evidence that PRT has made signal contributions to our understanding of persuasion. As efforts are made to further refine the theory and to meld it with ongoing research, we anticipate that its value to future generations of persuasion researchers will equal or exceed its past achievements.

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