posedly involuntary act) to the one who records that utterance at a
place in the narrative providing maximum vindicatory effect for
those who felt they were wronged by the violent events of history.
Moral worth is closely entwined with poetic utterance in both
cases. In the Zuo Tradition, one’s moral worth is repeatedly and explicitly linked to the level of one’s cultural competence. Poetic
competence in particular is shown to be a reliable barometer of the
morality of individuals and states. It is not so much the content of
the poems that matters—it is already determined in the corpus of the
Poems—as the propriety with which they are offered or cited. In the Han History, the recording of a poetic utterance serves to manifest the interior moral worth of a historical figure prevented by external
circumstances from putting that moral worth into practice. It is a
way for the historians to provide a window into the hearts and
minds of the subjects of history, although what is seen there is
usually a picture of frustrated impotence.
The “Seven Steps Poem,” purportedly uttered just after the fall of
the Han, is a new type of performance. It is reminiscent of the Han
History’ s spontaneous outbursts of frustration, but it has also regained the suasive power of poetic utterance so prominent in the
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Zuo Tradition. In this anecdote, and throughout Topical Tales, poetic competence emerges as the ability to deploy poetic utterances
from a wide variety of sources—the Poems, noncanonical poetry,
spontaneous production—in order to decisively demonstrate one’s
talent. The lessons learned, on the one hand, about poetry’s efficacy
in the Zuo Tradition, and, on the other hand, about its particular expressive power in the Han History, have been brought to bear, in the narratives of Topical Tales, upon the dramatically shrunken stage of competition between individuals.
This “shrunken stage” results from the obsession in Topical Tales
with the qualities of individual people: their talents, their moral
character, their verbal acuity, and even their physical attributes and
modes of attire. The anecdote of the “Seven Steps Poem” does not
seek, as the Zuo Tradition does, to illustrate the utility of cultural competence in Traditional knowledge in the struggles between
states. It is not part of a larger narrative arc about the establishment and continuation of imperial power, as found in the Han History.
The anecdote is included in the fourth chapter, “Letters and Schol-
arship” 文學, simply as a particularly engaging account of talent in
literary production. 14 That the two men in the encounter are brothers with a troubled relationship—who also happen to be emperor and prince—certainly informs the parameters and content of
the performance; but it is the quality of the performance in and
of itself that justifies its inclusion in the collection. The pages of
Topical Tales show that the highly elastic concepts of cultural competence in general, and poetic competence in particular, were rede-
fined and expanded during the period of disunion following the
Han. But what appears to be a truly innovative notion—one attested
to by the very existence of the Topical Tales collection—is that the political ramifications of cultural competence could be subordinated
to the quality of the performance. The demonstration of cultural
competence through performance becomes a legitimate source of
power in and of itself, a source of symbolic power favorably portrayed against the backdrop of more brutish forms of power con-
—————
14. Although the translations from Topical Tales are my own, I have adopted Mather’s renditions of the chapter titles used in his translation, Tales of the World.
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121
tingent upon physical violence. 15 The account of the “Seven Steps Poem” is important as a demonstration of the triumph of poetic
competence over violence. The victory is likely apocryphal and we
are told that Cao Zhi “became frustrated and unhappy, dying in his
forty-first year.” But even if the victory never occurred historically,
it finds a life of great moment in the realm of the symbol, on the
pages of the inscribed narrative.
II
Poetic competence of the more ancient variety—namely, the apt
citation of lines from the Poems—is still demonstrated in Topical Tales, but in often surprising places. 16 Women and children now step forward in these narratives to demonstrate their poetic competence. Following is a typical example:
Sun Sheng, who was secretarial aide to the Honorable Yu Liang, accom-
panied Yu on a hunt, bringing his two young sons along with him. Yu was
not aware of this until, there on the hunting grounds, he suddenly spotted Sun Fang, 17 who was only seven or eight years old at the time. Yu hailed him by saying, “Have you also come, kind sir?” The boy shot back in reply, “It’s a case of:
Without distinction between small and great,
All follow the prince in his going.” 18 (2.49)
孫盛為庾公記室參軍。從獵。將其二兒俱行。庾公不知。忽於獵場見齊
莊。時年七八歲。庾謂曰。君亦復來邪。應聲答曰。所謂。
無小無大
從公于邁
—————
15. Rouzer notes that in Topical Tales the “the strain or even violence of competition is always near the surface” ( Articulated Ladies, p. 86) and provides an extended discussion of “Competition and Violence” in the collection (pp. 85–110).
16. There are at least seventeen quotations from or allusions to the Poems scattered across the 36 chapters. Five of these are in the second chapter, “Speech and Conversation” 言語, under the following entry numbers: 1, 11, 36, 49, and 80.
17. The original text calls Fang by his courtesy name, Qizhuang 齊莊 or “Rivaling Zhuangzi.” I consistently use given names in the translations to avoid confusion.
18 . The poem quoted is “Semicircular Water” 泮水 (Mao #299). My translation is after Karlgren, Book of Odes, p. 256.
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This anecdote was surely included in Topical Tales because of the tender age of the boy who cites the Poems with such pointed alacrity. It is evidence that the Traditionalist canon of texts was already
firmly entrenched as part of the educational curriculum for the
children of the elite classes. 19 Simply knowing the poems, however, is not a noteworthy accomplishment in itself; one must demonstrate
competence, as Sun Fang does in this anecdote.
The encounter takes place on the “hunting grounds” 獵場, the
proper arena for men to demonstrate their strength and martial
skills. Yu Liang 庾亮 (289–340) was appointed General Chastizing
the West 征西將軍; staging hunting expeditions was a way to hone
the skills he needed to keep the “barbarians” at bay. 20 The abrupt appearance (marked explicitly in the text with the phrase “suddenly
spotted”) of a young boy in this arena of men prompts the general to
verbally challenge the interloper. He addresses the boy in tones of
mock politeness, asking him to explain his presence. 21 Speed is of the essence in this exchange. All parties are on horseback and the quarry
is at hand; there is no time for drawn out justifications or apologies.
Yu Liang, the ranking superior on the field, has made a verbal thrust
in the direction of Sun Fang, the lowest inferior. The boy parries
with consummate skill by immediately responding (the text literally
says “echoes” 應聲) with an apt citation from the Poems, demon-
strating a quickness of mind that justifies his presence on the hunting
grounds, as well as a facility in the Tradition that indicates his status as a nascent man of culture. Once again, against a backdrop of violence, poetic competence is shown as a means of winning, of meeting
a challenge and silencing the challenger.
Sun Fang’s citation is appropriate on two levels. The words
themselves are appropriate because of their reference to the “prince”
—————
19. In the Analects (16.13), Confucius tells his own son, “Without studying the Poems, one lacks the means to speak” 不學詩無以言.
20. Yu Liang’s appointment in 334 and his attendant responsibilities are noted in Sima Guang, Zizhi tong jian, juan 95, p. 2996.
21. Yu Liang uses the polite pronoun jun 君 (“sir/master”) to address the child in tones of ironic formality, a strategy of condescension used by superiors in addressing inferiors. Yu Liang’s use of the final interrogative particle ye 邪 implies that he expects Sun Fang to justify his presence at the hunt.
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123
公 (the same character is used in Yu’s courtesy title, “Honorable
Yu” 庾公) and to those who join him on an expedition being “small
and great” 小大 (in this case, carrying the double entendre of status
and physical size). But the citation is also appropriate when its
context in the whole poem is considered. The poem “Semicircular
Waters” 泮水 is in lavish praise of the Marquis of Lu 魯侯, or Duke
Xi 僖公, and his military officers, for their pacification of the bar-
barian tribes of Huai 淮夷. 22 The citation thus casts Yu Liang in the role of an illustrious Eastern Zhou ruler establishing peace in his
state. The exalted status of Duke Xi and the fulsome praise in the
poem evoked by Sun Fang’s citation could be read as a strategy of
reverse condescension. Just as Yu Liang addressed the boy in in-
flated terms, Sun Fang turns the tables and casts the general in a
grandiose role. The discrepancy between the original referents of
the poem (a Zhou era ruler campaigning against barbarians) and the
implied referents of its application in the present moment (a Jin
general on a hunt) has grown so large that the only way to bridge
the gap is through an ironic reading. The men and women (and
children) of Topical Tales know full well that they live in a smaller world, far removed from the grand concerns of the Zhou era and its
vying states. Competition between individuals is now worthy of
record, but the symbolic capital inherited from the Zhou still per-
sists and takes on a new status in the realm of erudite banter.
Ironic or flippant citations of the Poems occur frequently in
Topical Tales, indicating a more casual attitude toward the received
“texts” of the Tradition than is found in the staid examples of the
Zuo Tradition. 23 Traditional knowledge can even be applied to interior decorating, as in the following anecdote about Xie Lingyun’s
—————
22. The “Lesser Preface” identifies the Marquis of Lu as Duke Xi 僖公 (r. 659–
627 b.c.e.), who conducted campaigns against the “barbarian tribes” living to the southeast in the Huai river basin.
23. This “relaxation” of the strictures of application—admitting irony—can already be discerned in the Han dynasty work Supplementary Commentary on the Han School Poems 韓詩外傳, which includes many joking citations from the Poems, playing on the dissonance between the original context of the words and their present application.
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cousin, Xie Zhong, which appears in chapter 25, “Taunting and
Teasing” 排調:
The reception hall of the Eastern Palace was a wood-paneled chamber. Xie Zhong went to visit the Grand Mentor [Sima Daozi] once when the room
was filled with guests. From the outset, Xie Zhong would not exchange a
word with any of them; he just looked straight up and said, “I see the
prince has made himself a Western-barbarian chamber.” (25.58)
東府客館是版屋。謝景重詣太傅。時賓客滿中。初不交言。直仰視云。
王乃復西戎其屋。
Xie Zhong was known for his facility with words, which he often
put to use as an administrator in service of Sima Daozi, a member of
the Jin royal family renowned for his intemperate and ruthless na-
ture. 24 This narrative sets the stage for Xie Zhong’s carefully pitched barb about Sima’s extravagant tastes. The wood-paneled room is
“filled with guests,” the requisite audience for the exchange. Xie
refuses to engage anyone in idle chitchat, holding himself silent and
aloof so that when he does speak his words will carry more weight.
His quip about Sima’s “Western-barbarian” room is recondite to
the point of opacity for modern and premodern readers alike, as
evidenced by Liu Jun’s notation on it made in the sixth century.
Understanding the reference hinges on knowledge of a selection
from the Poems entitled “Small Carriages” 小戎, which contains
the lines:
I am thinking of my lord;
how refined he will look, like jade
in those plank huts;
it disturbs the innermost recesses of my heart. 25
Even this knowledge alone is not sufficient to unravel the allusion.
One must also be aware of the “Lesser Preface,” which states that
this poem is in praise of Duke Xiang of Qin 秦襄公 (r. 777–766
b.c.e.) in his campaigns against the Western Rong 西戎 tribes, and of
—————
24. See Topical Tales, 2.100–101. Sima Daozi headed up a powerful faction at court, which was challenged by a man named Wang Gong. In retaliation, Sima had Wang Gong, his brother, and his five sons all put to death in 398.
25. Mao #128. After Karlgren, Book of Odes, p. 82.
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the Mao commentary, which notes that the “plank hut” was the
style of residence among these “barbarian” tribes. Xie Zhong’s
densely packed allusion is evidence that the whole exegetical appa-
ratus known as Zheng’s Annotation of the Mao Poems 毛詩鄭箋,
compiled by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200 c.e.) during the Eastern
Han, is now part of the curriculum of Traditional knowledge re-
quired for cultural competence. Xie deploys his knowledge in
natural speech, without chanting, s
inging, or specifically identifying
its source. His joke would only register for those who had an ear
properly trained to pick out the allusion.
It is not clear how many people in the crowded room would have
actually “gotten” Xie Zhong’s joke; his refusal to speak to any of
them indicates he doubted their ability to appreciate his quip. 26 In fact, Xie was probably counting on the ignorance of his audience.
Tweaking a royal family member’s nose before a gathering of his
lessers is a dangerous game to play, one that could have violent
ramifications when a man of Sima’s choler is concerned. If Xie
Zhong were to simply blurt out loud to those around him that the
prince was overly lavish in his tastes—even though this fact is plain
to everyone—the prince would perceive him as seeking solidarity
among the other non-royals in common derision of their host. He
would incur the ire of the man upon whom he depends for his
livelihood and likely acquire a reputation for being uncouth. By
turning the mild insult into a subtle private joke—perhaps enjoyed
by Xie Zhong alone—he diverts attention from the prince as a target
of derision and toward his own performance of poetic competence,
an outward sign of his membership in a select group with facility in
elite knowledge. Xie Zhong’s allusion depends on knowledge of the
Poems and two of its commentaries, combined with an ironic tone
in its comparison of a princely residence to the “plank huts” of
barbarians. It could even be read as a backhanded compliment in
that it implicitly links the prince to the figure of Duke Xiang of Qin,
—————
26. Yu Jiaxi, in his 1993 annotation of Topical Tales, offers the following opinion:
“There were certainly people among those present who would fail to understand the meaning, which is why he refused to speak with them and derided him [Sima Daozi] instead with this veiled barb” ( Shishuo xinyu jianshu, p. 819).
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Words Well Put Page 19
