It was in foreign policy that Karl would have the most detrimental effect on his country leaving his son and heir, Gustav Adolf, a military nightmare. In 1600 Karl’s situation looked promising. Peace, if not assured, did appear quite possible though Sweden’s old adversaries Denmark, Poland and Russia would bear watching. Karl scouted around for allies. Overtures were made to England, the Netherlands and France. Queen Elizabeth was having her own problems with Poland, but was characteristically wary of any unnecessary entanglements. The Dutch were unhappy with Swedish privateers harassing their Baltic merchantmen and Henry IV of France leaned toward support for Sigismund’s return. Most of the German princes could not afford the enmity of Poland. Only the elector of Palatinate (Karl’s first wife’s brother) and Maurice of Hess (first cousin to Karl’s second wife) showed any inclination to back the new ruler and their support was tepid at best.
Meanwhile Sigismund had revived an old project of Stephen Bathory’s: unite Poland and Russia into one great Slavic nation. He initiated negotiations which produced a twenty year truce between the two countries beginning in 1601.
Given these circumstances, no meaningful allies and a possible Polish-Russian coalition, one would expect Karl to sit tight and use the time to strengthen his forces. He did not. In August of 1600 he plunged into Polish Livonia with his army from Estonia. Why did Karl initiate this unprovoked war? Maybe he saw it as an extension of the Swedish civil war or as his duty to protect Protestant Livonia from Catholic Poland. Perhaps he just wanted the rich trading city of Riga. Maybe it was all of these plus opportunity. The Polish army was in the south fighting Cossacks and local insurrections. There were but 2,000 troops in Livonia as opposed to 17,000 Swedish soldiers in Estonia.
The invasion proceeded at a rapid pace. By the end of October 1600 Karl had taken Pernau and Dorpat. In the spring of 1601 he advanced to the Düna and by May his fleet was completing a blockade of Riga. He laid siege to Kokenhausen but became bogged down, not able to quickly take the fortress.
By the summer of 1601 Sigismund was finally able to free up a small army from the southern campaigns and begin his march north. He defeated the Kokenhousen besiegers and broke the investment. Karl left garrisons at fortified points in Livonia, but withdrew the main body of his army back into Estonia. His soldiers were no match for the Polish troops even though far superior in numbers. The efficient, effective army of Erik XIV and Johan III no longer existed. It was a casualty of the civil war, neglect and poor training. The Swedish soldiers discarded their cumbersome pikes and heavy body armor on the march. Disciplined linear formations and regimental organization had disappeared. The old arquebuses had not been replaced by modern matchlock and wheel-lock muskets now common in most European armies. These deficiencies were even more apparent because of the enemy they faced.
In most of the continent, the pike, backed by improved shoulder guns, had made the heavy cavalry charge a bloody proposition. The nobility, which constituted much of the heavy mounted troops, needed a new approach. A new tactic was developed in which the cavalry charged up to the enemy line, discharged their pistols or carbines, then wheeled and retreated. The next line of cavalry repeated the maneuver to allowing the first line to reload. This was supposed to weaken the line until they could charge through. In reality this caracole tactic rendered the cavalry much less effective.
But Polish warfare against mounted Cossacks and Tartars had only served to strengthen their cavalry arm. As much as 60 percent to 75 percent of a Polish-Lithuanian army was cavalry. Polish horse included light cavalry, mostly Cossack and Tartar horsemen, medium cavalry of German mercenaries and the mail-armored Pancerni (Panzers). But the elite of the cavalry, about one-third in number, were the Winged Hussars. These were drawn from the nobility, which in Poland-Lithuania constituted about 10 percent of the population versus 2 percent to 3 percent in Western Europe. The Hussars outfitted themselves and spared no expense on armor or arms. Their horses were large, sixteen to eighteen hands, and bred for war. They carried an 18 foot lance, cavalry saber, and short bow and arrows of the Mongolian type, replaced later by carbines and pistols. They often carried one or two extra pistols in their boots or in saddle holsters. On their saddles they kept another sword called a pallasz. This heavy sword was four to six feet long with a blade that had a square cross-section. The pallasz was used to stab and penetrate armor once the lance was lost or broken.
A hussar’s armor was three-quarter plate of the Venetian type with an eastern style Szyszak helmet. Over one shoulder he wore an animal skin of wolf, leopard or tiger. Under his armor was a scarlet tunic which showed through the silver armor plate. Most distinctive, however, was the hussar’s wings. One or two wood frames were mounted on the back plate armor. Rising up the back they curved forward to just over the helmet. Each wing was embossed in gold and decorated with expensive fabric. A row of eagle or raven feathers trailed along the back edge. At a full gallop these feathers made a whirling sound further intimidating the target of their overpowering attack. Only a hedge of pikes protecting squadrons of musketeers could break up a Polish close order charge, none of which Karl’s troops possessed.
Karl was, however, about to get some help from an unexpected source. At this time Philip III of Spain bestowed on Sigismund the Order of the Golden Fleece. This was seen by the German princes as an indication that Spain was about to ally itself with Poland. Panic spread through Germany prompting Maurice of Hess to send one of Germany’s ablest commanders, John of Nassau, to Karl. John was well versed in the Dutch system of warfare which had been successful against the vaunted Spanish formations. He stayed in Estonia for several months training Swedish troops, but the effect was negated by their lack of modern weapons and the all important pike. Swedish forays into Livonia were easily beaten back. By the summer of 1602 only Dorpat and Pernua remained in Swedish hands and they were effectively isolated.
The Polish army under Zólkiewicz invaded Estonia and by July 1602 had taken Weissenstein. John of Nassau threw up his hands in despair and left for Germany. Karl, in desperation, turned to his old enemy Arvid Stålarm, appointing him commander of Estonian-Livonian troops, but things went no better. In 1603 Zólkiewicz recaptured Dorpat and continued to devastate Estonia at will. Swedish control was reduced to the areas around Reval and Narva.
Karl, meanwhile, had determined to completely reform the army. He meant to create a core of professionals, partially replacing his Swedish conscripts. At the Riksdag of Norrköping (1604), he badgered the Estates into agreeing to a special three year tax (the contribution) in order to hire 9,000 mercenaries. While he was building this professional army he ordered Stålarm to take defensive positions and try to hold his ground, but then criticized him for inactivity. Finally, Stålarm took the field and met Zólkiewski in the open near Weissenstein. The Poles carved up the Swedes in a near disaster.
Stålarm was removed and Karl personally took command once more. He landed in Estonia with a plan to win the war in one blow. He marched to Riga with an army of 11,000 men hoping to force the Poles to battle. He would crush them with his superior numbers. The first part of the plan worked and the opposing forces faced each other for an open field pitched battle near Kirkholm in September 1605. Zólkiewski had only 3,400 men for this pivotal battle. The fighting opened with the engagement of the two cavalry forces. The Swedish horse was quickly routed, leaving the foot exposed. Again the lack of pikemen left the infantry at the mercy of the Polish cavalry and they were cut to pieces. The Polish infantry then moved in to complete the route. Over 7,600 Swedes were killed against less than 900 of the enemy. Karl barely escaped with his life. It was the worst defeat the Swedish army would ever suffer.
Sigismund was ecstatic. Reval was saved, Livonia rescued and Estonia on the verge of capture including the much coveted Narva. He even had dreams of regaining his Swedish throne if the victory could be followed up properly. But just when so many possibilities seemed within his grasp, events intervened to void the accomplishment.
By 1604-05 relations with Denmark were becoming increasingly strained. Christian IV still had the Sound toll and the tradition of being the dominant power in the Baltic, but Erik’s victories at sea and Johan’s advances in Estonia challenged this mystique of supremacy. Karl already had Viborg, Narva and Reval, and was blockading Riga. Domination of the Russian trade was within his reach if he could take the key trade centers of Livonia.
In the north Karl was challenging Danish (Norwegian) rights to collect taxes in Lapland. He had sent settlers to establish colonies at Lycksele, Arvidshaur, Jokkmokk and Karesuacdo. Travel facilities to and through Lapland were improved. Blockhouses were built to guard the colonies and churches built to minister to Swedes and Lapps alike. At his coronation in 1607 he accepted the title of “King of the Lapps of Northland” and he appointed a ståthållare for Lappmark with orders to build a fort at Vadsø for 100 men.
All these provocations incensed King Christian IV. He applied to the Danish Council for a declaration of war against Sweden. The council refused. The best Christian could do was order his officials in the north to burn the Swedish blockhouses and churches. He would appeal to the council for war again and again for the rest of the decade.
Karl’s foreign affairs problems were beginning to stack up like cordwood. First it was war with Poland, then he antagonized Christian, depending on the Danish council to keep him in check. Finally, there was Russia. Here Godunov had been careful to avoid conflict with Sweden, but on April 13, 1605, Boris Godunov died and his son Feodor ascended to the throne.
The new tsar was immediately challenged for his right to the crown by a ghost. Prince Dmitry had been the last son and heir of Ivan IV (the Terrible) and was murdered in his apartment in Uglick by a band of hooligans. The town rose up and killed the murderers. So the instigators of the crime were never discovered. Later a Russian claiming to be the murdered Dmitry surfaced in Poland. He was treated well by some of the Polish nobility, introduced to King Sigismund and given assistance. He converted to Roman Catholicism and married a Polish nobleman’s daughter. Malcontents from Russia flocked to his service until, in 1604, “Dmitry” invaded Russia with his gathering. He made good progress until he reached Novgorod, where he was defeated. He seems to have led a charmed life for next he shows up at Putivl backed by 40,000 Cossacks. It is at this point that Godunov died and his son Feodor was installed as tsar. Much of the Russian army, however, accepted the pretender as the real Dmitry. Feodor was dethroned and murdered and Dmitry was made tsar. This was the pattern of the Time of Troubles. It is a period in which no ruler lasted long; government and society were in chaos. The Russian Orthodox Church was one of the few stabilizing forces holding the county together.
Dmitry, with all his Polish connections, looked like a real threat to Karl, but in less than a year he had been murdered and replaced by Vasilij Shuiskij. Shuiskij was selected by the boyars. He was hated in the provinces and by the civil service because he was thought to have been the real agent behind the murder of the actual Dmitry in Uglich in 1591.
In July 1607 a second false Dmitry emerged. Also known as “The Bandit,” he was backed by the Volga Cossacks, various provincial factions, and many in the government. The Cossacks of the Don supported him as did the Poles who had supported the first Dmitry pretender. He was also supported by remnants of the Zebrzydowski Rokosz, which Sigismund had by this time completely crushed.
Shuiskij turned to Poland for help negotiating a four year truce in 1608, but no military commitment. By the fall of 1608, The Bandit controlled Ivangorod, Pskov, Nöteburg, Kexholm and 22 other towns. Finally, Shuiskij was forced to turn to Sweden for help before he was completely cut off from the Baltic.
At the local level a relative of Shuiskij had concluded an agreement with the Swedish commander in Livonia. This agreement was later formalized as the Treaty of Viborg on February 28, 1609. For the first time a treaty between Sweden and Russia was signed by the tsar himself. The treaty reaffirmed the Peace of Teusina. The tsar relinquished all claim to Estonia and Livonia. A permanent alliance against Poland was created and Kexholm was to be handed over to Sweden. This was a doubly good deal for Shuiskij as Kexholm refused to submit and Swedish forces had to lay siege to the city to take position. In exchange Karl would supply 5,000 Swedish troops under Jakob de la Gardie, son of Johan’s successful general Pontus. The Swedish forces contained a large number of the mercenaries that Karl had been incorporating into his army, thanks to the contribution tax.
The Swedish army crossed into Russian territory and started fighting its way toward Moscow. The Swedes took towns, forts and roadways as they pushed southeast toward the capital. Twice The Bandit organized armies in defensive positions to block the Swedish advance and twice he was defeated. Roads were captured and reopened so supplies could get through. On March 12, 1610, the Swedish army entered Moscow in triumph.
At the same time a second army loyal to the tsar approached from the east. Tsar Shuiskij’s regime was rescued. The Bandit’s support evaporated and he fled to Kaluga.
The old rivalry between Karl and Sigismund resurfaced to be played out one more time. The Swedish prince on the Polish throne had been bested in his native country, but had met Karl a second time in Livonia where he had triumphed only to see the fruits of victory snatched away by the Rokosz. The rebellion had been quelled, freeing Sigismund to once again challenge his nephew. At first Zólkiewski, Sigismund’s brilliant general, had attacked Swedish positions in Livonia, taking Pernau in 1609, but now all attention was turned toward Muscovy.
Besides the Swedish dynastic struggle, Sigismund saw the Treaty of Viborg as a violation of his truce with the tsar, giving him the excuse to attack. In September 1609 Zolkiewski crossed the Polish-Russian frontier and laid siege to Smoleüsk. The Swedish dynastic rivalry was about to be played out on a continental stage, in the very heart of the vast Russian Empire.
Karl had an army in Moscow and had extracted territorial concessions from the tsar in exchange for troops. Sigismund had an army across the border in Russia attacking Smoleüsk with every prospect of expanding Polish territory. At the same time both kings were angling to have one of their heirs on the Russian throne. Karl was promoting his youngest son, Karl Filip, and Sigismund had in mind his son Wladyslav. If either were to succeed, it would create a powerful alliance and place the other in a desperate situation.
Karl took the first step by sending more troops to aid Tsar Shuiskij. An additional 4,000 men joined the army already at Moscow in exchange for the promise of more territorial concessions by the tsar—Karl was pressing for Nöteborg and territory in the Kola Peninsula. The Swedish commanders Christoph Horn and Jakob de la Gardie, both of whom had studied tactics under Maurice of Nassau, now had an army of about 7,000 men. Besides a small contingent of Swedish and Finnish troops, most of these were French, German and British mercenaries, a small but capable force.
The pendulum which had swung in Karl’s favor for a few months was about to swing back the other way. In February 1610 the Russian factions, who had just lost The Bandit as their candidate for tsar, cast about for a new champion and settled on Wladyslav as their alternative to Shuiskij. Sigismund now sent Zólkiewski’s army deep into Russia in an attempt to secure the throne for his son.
The Swedish army backed by Russian troops camped at Klushino to block his advance. The Muscovite contingent numbered some 30,000 men. Half were peasant conscripts with little or no experience or training. The 15,000 more dependable troops consisted of regular infantry which Horn and de la Gardie had tried to train in modern tactics, but had just not had enough time. The rest were Russian cavalry and mounted arquebusiers.
Against this huge army Zólkiewski brought a Polish force of less than 7,000. But it was an experienced army of mostly cavalry,
5,600 Hussars, 700 mounted Cossacks, 300 Lithuanian cavalry, 200 infantry and 2 small field guns. Zólkiewski took his army on a forced march through forests to reach the Swedish-Russian encampment just before dawn for a surprise attack.
Surprise, however, was lost as Zólkiewski encountered a town and a palisade between himself and the enemy camp. His troops burned the town and smashed gaps in the palisade, giving the Swedish and Russian army time to assemble. The Swedish infantry manned the palisade supported by the cavalry. To the left and right were the masses of Muscovite cavalry to prevent any flanking by the fast moving enemy horse.
Zólkiewski sent a regiment of his Hussars against the Russian cavalry on his right. His mounted troops charged again and again, smashing or losing their lances until they were reduced to fighting with sabers. Another regiment attacked the Swedish infantry, but was impeded by the palisade and pike men, then picked apart by musket fire.
Finally, the Russian horse on the left began to give way under the repeated attacks of the determined Polish cavalry. Tsar Shuiskij called for Swedish reinforcements and de la Gardie obliged, sending in his mercenary horse which used the caracole style tactics of firing their carbines, then retiring to reload as the next file came forward to fire. The Poles simply waited for the first rank to fire then charged with sabers before the next rank was in line. The mercenary cavalry broke and with it the last of the Russian horse, exposing the left flank of the Swedish infantry.
Warrior Kings of Sweden Page 20
