by Iain Davis
IPSO's were suffering the same malaise common to all who refused to think critically about the pseudopandemic. Without reading any of the science themselves, they assumed what they were told about the science was true. Which in this instance, like so many others, it wasn't.
According to the respected scientific journal [55] Science, "T-cells are among the immune system's most powerful weapons." Speaking about the studies that have found pre-existing T-Cell immunity to SARS-CoV-2, Columbia University virologist Angela Rasmussen said "this bodes well for the development of long-term protective immunity."
Californian based scientists discovered T-Cell immunity [56] to SARS-CoV-2 in up to 60% of the population, noting that this probably originated in existing T-Cell immunity to the coronavirus common cold strains. As reported in the banned Telegraph article, the researchers stated:
"Importantly, we detected SARS-CoV-2-reactive CD4 T cells in 40%-60% of unexposed individuals, suggesting cross-reactive T cell recognition between circulating "common cold" coronaviruses and SARS-CoV-2."
There are numerous studies [57] clearly describing how T-Cell immunity works. IPSO were not only wrong, despite not having any scientific expertise, they had set themselves up as the ultimate scientific experts assuming the authority to decree what was legitimate science and what wasn't. Based entirely upon what they were told to believe.
This was standard practice throughout the pseudopandemic. Centralised authority of carefully appointed influencers could be used for anything from controlling the MSM to manipulating statistics or fiddling the case numbers. The question was why the Telegraph article suddenly became such a sensitive issue.
As 2020 approached year's end, and normal winter mortality loomed, the UK was getting ever closer to being the first GPPP franchise in the world to authorise a COVID 19 vaccine. The Telegraph's summer publication, explaining how natural human immunity worked, highlighting the role of T-cells, became increasingly inconvenient. Had this been a news media report it could have been labelled "conspiracy theory" and that would have deterred most people from reading it, but the Telegraph was a "trusted source." Something had to be done.
The problem appeared to be that the new COVID 19 vaccines didn't stop anyone from contracting SARS-CoV-2. They just allegedly reduced the chances of someone getting sick from COVID 19 [58]. The UK Chief Scientific advisor Patrick Vallance, claiming the NHS [59] looked like a "war zone," said:
"We think it will stop transmission, but we don’t know by how much yet. And you’ll need very very high levels of population coverage – 70% or more – in order to get some degree of immunity across the whole population."
Just as Dr van Ranst had been instructed in 2009, so Vallance understood "the crux of the campaign was the vaccination campaign." The GPPP were not interested in anything but lockdowns and vaccines.
Bringing "numbers down" wasn't a problem. Not only is that the way respiratory viruses inevitably behave in a population, the non-diagnostic test regime could be dialled back as needed. Unlike IPSO and the Telegraph, the UK State Franchise Chief Scientific officer was fully up to speed with the WHO's new definition of "immunity." Natural immunity didn't exist, only vaccine derived immunity.
Drawing attention to T-Cell immunity, even inaccurately, could give the public the idea that they possessed an adaptive immune systems, able to both ward off initial infection and build cross reactive T-cell recognition [60], thus greatly reducing their chances of a reoccurring infection. Why would they want the vaccine if they knew this?
The WHO could be confident that they would demonstrate how lockdowns and vaccines would "break transmission chains" because, after a year of being told by scientists, physicians and the news media, from around the world, that RT-PCR tests were not diagnostic tools, they suddenly realised this themselves [61].
Changing their diagnostic criteria for a case by lowering the RT-PCR "credible" cycle threshold and advising that testing was only an adjunct to clear symptomatic diagnosis, the WHO were shifting their position to bring cases and COVID 19 mortality down. This coincided with the vaccine roll out and another round of unnecessary lockdowns.
Immediately MSM articles and opinion pieces started appearing making all the arguments that hitherto only the news media made. Having spent the best part of a year viciously attacking anyone who questioned the pseudopandemic, suddenly, as if by magic, timed with release of the vaccines, the MSM started questioning [62] the way cases and fatalities were reported.
This pseudopandemic propaganda operation was planned long before [63] the WHO declared a global pandemic. The UK State franchise agreed its £119 million pound COVID 19 MSM advertising strategy on March 2nd, more than a week before the WHO declaration on the 11th, and more than 3 weeks before the first pseudopandemic lockdown. Such an extensive contract would have taken months to negotiate. Placing the start of the negotiation well before any public acknowledgement of a global pandemic.
This deal was built upon an MSM channel buying program [64] agreed between the Crown Commercial Services and OMD group in 2018. Alex Aiken, the Executive Director of UK State communications, described the focus [65] of this partnership with the MSM:
"Outcomes can vary from ensuring people live healthier lifestyles and invest in their retirement, to countering terror. Recent geo-political events have also demonstrated the vital role media has played in the UK’s fight against disinformation and fake news....with a relentless focus on outcomes we are well placed to deal with any incidents that arise."
MSM sales and advertising revenue [66] have collapsed and the UK State Franchise has become the UK MSM's financial lifeline. They could ill afford to question their main source of income. MSM print media profits disappeared years ago. Even with the financial support of State advertising deals, it has struggled to survive [67]. However, despite the fact that their business model has failed, just like the banks, it seems the MSM is "too big to fail."
Having created a climate of fear based upon fake mortality claims anyone who questioned the pseudopandemic was attacked and dismissed [68] by the MSM as uncaring, selfish "conspiracy theorists" who disrespected those who had died. In truth, critics cared deeply about people being lost to the pseudopandemic. They simply recognised that an unknown number of deaths were also being caused by policy.
For example, the UK's online MSM news outlet the Independent, owned by Russian billionaire and former KGB officer Alexander Lebedev, alongside unknown Saudi investors, independently reported the following [69]:
"More than a fifth of people believe that the coronavirus crisis is a hoax....The survey indicates a large number of adults in England do not agree with the scientific and governmental consensus on the Covid-19 pandemic."
Questioning the governmental and scientific consensus was not a claim that the disease didn't exist or that COVID 19 itself was a "hoax." The purpose of this persistent disinformation strategy was to label any pseudopandemic sceptic as a "COVID denier." This was then combined with emotionally charged stories about deaths to invalidate criticism by insisting it was morally repugnant.
This ploy was successful and created the desired social division. With millions believing that to question the pseudopandemic was disrespectful, a communication impasse between pseudopandemic critics and those who unreservedly believed the authorities was created. Consequently the news media found it harder to report the evidence to the public.
This generated perhaps the most powerful and insidious form of information control: self-censorship. Rather than fear of the virus, many were unwilling to openly express doubt through fear of social disapproval. We will shortly discuss the evidence that shows this was clearly part of the State's pseudopandemic plan for behavioural control.
This left the vast majority, who were somewhat sceptical, in a kind of information limbo, stuck between two opposing positions. They dare not speak out for fear of being labelled a "COVID denier" and were dissuaded from looking at information described to them as anti-vaxxer conspiracy theorie
s.
There was little reprieve for the increasing number who turned towards online information. The GPPP State used "fact checkers" to work with the social media giants to further centralise control of the narrative. State franchises then launched a military hybrid warfare campaign against their own populations, creating a pseudopandemic information war.
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Chapter 11 - Hybrid War
Increasing public reliance upon online information meant that control of the MSM alone was not enough. The Global Public Private Partnership (GPPP) also needed to censure the online news media and, in particular, extend their propaganda and censorship reach to the major social media platforms.
While the GPPP already had regulatory and commercial control over the M
SM, that dominion had not been firmly established online. While legislation was rushing towards seizing power over online conversations, the Internet still afforded some freedom of speech. Other strategies were required to limit these freedoms. These included the use of the military to fight a hybrid information war against the people.
Warfare has been redefined in the 21st century [1]. The State franchise sound-bites have changed. The global military tactician and defence policy makers speak in terms of "new and emerging threats," "non state actors," "resilience" and "the non-military means of aggression."
The hybrid war, waged against the global population, was the military component of the core conspirators pseudopandemic campaign. World War Three is, in part, an information war that began with the War on Terror. It is the final war for global control and, as usual, the population are both the battle ground and the enemy.
Hybrid war melds conventional warfare, recently fought through proxies such as ISIS [2] or the various re-branded forms of al Qaeda [3], with cyber and information warfare. The pseudopandemic utilised mass communication channels to bombard us with propaganda. It is easy to view this as simply a battle for public opinion. Unfortunately, this a war with very real casualties.
The pseudopandemic has already cost millions of lives globally, but that number is set for a terrible increase. The long-term impacts of lockdowns and the global economic carnage they wrought has caused mortality that far exceeds anything stemming from a low impact respiratory disease.
The World Bank have calculated an increase in extreme poverty globally of between 71 - 100 million people [4]. The resultant health inequalities will kill millions more. UNICEF researchers have already published appalling estimates in the Lancet [5] anticipating 1.2 million child deaths in low to middle income countries as a result of the destruction of health services, supply chain disruption and other disastrous and entirely predictable consequences of pseudopandemic policies.
