Men’s body muscle tends to impress women as well as other men. While the extreme muscle development of professional bodybuilders strikes many people as grotesque, many (most?) women find a well-proportioned muscular man more attractive than a scrawny man. Men also use the muscular development of other men as a signal—for example, as a way of quickly assessing whether to get into a fight or to retreat. A typical example involves a magnificently muscular instructor named Andy at the gymnasium where my wife and I exercise. Whenever Andy lifts weights, the eyes of all the women and men in the gym are on him. When Andy explains to a customer how to use one of the gym’s exercise machines, he begins by demonstrating the machine’s operation himself while asking the customer to place a hand on the relevant muscle on Andy’s body so that the customer can understand the correct motion. Undoubtedly, this means of explanation is pedagogically useful, but I am sure that Andy also enjoys the overwhelming impression that he leaves.
At least in traditional societies based on human muscle power rather than on machine power, muscles are a truthful signal of male quality, like a deer’s antlers. On the one hand, muscles enable men to gather resources such as food, to construct resources such as houses, and to defeat rival men. In fact, muscles play a much larger role in a traditional man’s life than do antlers in the life of a deer, which uses antlers only in fighting. On the other hand, men with other good qualities are better able to acquire all the protein required to grow and maintain big muscles. One can fake one’s age by dyeing one’s hair, but one cannot fake big muscles. Naturally, men did not evolve muscles solely to impress other men and women, in the way that male bowerbirds evolved a golden crest solely as a signal to impress other bowerbirds. Instead, muscles evolved to perform functions, and men and women then evolved or learned to respond to muscles as a truthful signal.
A beautiful face may be another truthful signal, although the underlying reason is not as transparent as in the case of muscles. If you stop to think about it, it may seem absurd that our sexual and social attractiveness depends on facial beauty to such an inordinate degree. One might reason that beauty says nothing about good genes, parenting qualities, or food-gathering skills. However, the face is the part of the body most sensitive to the ravages of age, disease, and injury. Especially in traditional societies, individuals with scarred or misshapen faces may thereby be advertising their proneness to disfiguring infections, inability to take care of themselves, or burden of parasitic worms. A beautiful face was thus a truthful signal of good health that could not be faked until twentieth-century plastic surgeons perfected facelifts.
Our remaining candidate for a truthful signal is women’s body fat. Lactation and child care are a big energy drain on a mother, and lactation tends to fail in an undernourished mother. In traditional societies before the advent of infant formulas and before the domestication of milk-producing hoofed animals, a mother’s lactational failure would have been fatal to her infant. Hence a woman’s body fat would be a truthful signal to a man that she was capable of rearing his child. Naturally, men should prefer the correct amount of fat: too little could be a harbinger of lactational failure, but too much could signal difficulties in walking, poor food-gathering ability, or early death from diabetes.
Perhaps because fat would be difficult to discern if it were spread uniformly over the body, women’s bodies have evolved with fat concentrated in certain parts that are readily visible and assessed, although the anatomical location of those fat deposits varies somewhat among human populations. Women of all populations tend to accumulate fat in the breasts and hips, to a degree that varies geographically. Women of the San population native to southern Africa (the so-called Bushmen and Hottentots) and women of the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal accumulate fat in the buttocks, producing the condition known as steatopygia. Men throughout the world tend to be interested in women’s breasts, hips, and buttocks, giving rise in modern societies to yet another surgical method of fake signals, breast enhancement. Of course, one can object that some individual men are less interested than other men in these signs of female nutritional status, and that the relative popularity of skinny and plump fashion models fluctuates from year to year as fads. Nevertheless, the overall trend in male interest is clear.
Suppose one were again playing God or Darwin and deciding where on a woman’s body to concentrate body fat as a visible signal. The arms and legs would be excluded because of the resulting extra load on them during walking or use of the arms. That still leaves many parts of the torso where fat could be safely concentrated without impeding movement, and in fact I just mentioned that women of various populations have evolved three different signaling areas on the torso. Nevertheless, one has to ask whether the evolutionary choice of signaling area is completely arbitrary, and why there are no populations of women with other signaling locations, such as the belly or the middle of the back. Paired fat deposits on the belly would seem to create no more difficulties for locomotion than do our actual paired deposits in the breasts and buttocks. It is curious, however, that women of all populations have evolved fat deposition in the breasts, the organs whose lactational performance men may be attempting to assess by fat deposit signals. Hence some scientists have suggested that large fatty breasts are not only an honest signal of good overall nutrition but also a deceptive specific signal of high milk-producing ability (deceptive because milk is actually secreted by breast glandular tissue rather than by breast fat). Similarly, it has been suggested that fat deposition in the hips of women worldwide is also both an honest signal of good health and a deceptive specific signal suggesting a wide birth canal (deceptive because a truly wide birth canal would minimize the risk of birth traumas but mere fat hips would not).
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At this point, I have to anticipate several objections to my assumption that the sexual ornamentation of women’s bodies could have any evolutionary significance. Whatever the interpretation, it is of course a fact that women’s bodies do possess structures functioning as sexual signals, and that men tend to be especially interested in those particular parts of women’s bodies. In those respects women resemble females of other primate species living in troops that contain many adult males and adult females. Like humans, chimpanzees and baboons and macaques live in troops and have sexually ornamented females (as well as males). By contrast, female gibbons and the females of other primate species that live as solitary male-female pairs bear little or no sexual ornamentation. This correlation suggests that if and only if females compete intensively with other females for males’ attention—for example, because multiple males and females encounter each other daily in the same troop—then females tend to evolve sexual ornamentation in an ongoing evolutionary contest to be more attractive. Females who do not have to compete on such a regular basis have less need of expensive body ornamentation.
In most animal species (including humans) the evolutionary significance of male sexual ornamentation is undisputed, because males surely compete for females. However, scientists have raised three objections to the interpretation that women compete for men and have evolved bodily ornaments for that purpose. First, in traditional societies at least 95 percent of women marry. This statistic seems to suggest that virtually any woman can get a husband, and that women have no need to compete. As one woman biologist expressed it to me, “Every garbage can has a lid, and there is usually a bad-looking man for every bad-looking woman.”
But that interpretation is belied by all the effort that women consciously put into decoration and surgical modification of their bodies so as to be attractive. In fact, men vary greatly in their genes, in the resources that they control, in their parenting qualities, and in their devotion to their wives. Although virtually any woman can get some man to marry her, only a few women can succeed in getting one of the few high-quality men, for whom women must compete intensely. Every woman knows that, even though some male scientists evidently don’t.
A second objection notes that men in tra
ditional societies had no opportunity to choose their spouse, whether on the basis of sexual ornamentation or any other quality. Instead, marriages were arranged by clan relatives, who did the choosing, often with the motive of cementing political alliances. In reality, though, bride prices in traditional societies, such as the New Guinea societies where I work, vary according to a woman’s desirability, the woman’s health and probable mothering qualities being important considerations. That is, although a bridegroom’s views about his bride’s sex appeal may be ignored, his relatives who actually select the bride do not ignore their own views. In addition, men certainly consider a woman’s sex appeal in selecting partners for extramarital sex, which is likely to account for a higher proportion of babies in traditional societies (where husbands don’t get to follow their sexual preferences in selecting their wives) than in modern societies. Furthermore, remarriage following divorce or the death of the first spouse is very common in traditional societies, and men in those societies have more freedom in selecting their second spouse.
The remaining objection notes that culturally influenced beauty standards vary with time, and that individual men within the same society differ in their tastes. Skinny women may be out this year but in next year, and some men prefer skinny women every year. However, that fact is no more than noise slightly complicating but not invalidating the main conclusion: that men at all places and times have on the average preferred well-nourished women with beautiful faces.
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We have seen that several classes of human sexual signals—men’s muscles, facial beauty, and women’s body fat concentrated in certain places—apparently conform to the truth-in-advertising model. However, as I mentioned in discussing animals’ signals, different signals may conform to different models. That’s also true of humans. For example, the pubic and axillary hair that both men and women have evolved to grow in adolescence is a reliable but wholly arbitrary signal of attainment of reproductive maturity. Hair in those locations differs from muscles, beautiful faces, and body fat in that it carries no deeper message. It costs little to grow, and it makes no direct contribution to survival or to nursing babies. Poor nutrition may leave you with a scrawny body and disfigured face, but it rarely causes your pubic hair to fall out. Even weak ugly men and skinny ugly women sport axillary hair. Men’s beards, body hair, and low-pitched voices as signals of adolescence, and men’s and women’s hair whitening as a signal of age, seem equally devoid of inner meaning. Like the red spot on a gull’s bill and many other animal signals, these human signals are cheap and wholly arbitrary—many other signals can be imagined that would serve equally well.
Is there any human signal that exemplifies the operation of Fisher’s runaway selection model or Zahavi’s handicap principle? At first, we seem devoid of exaggerated signaling structures comparable to a widowbird’s sixteen-inch tail. On reflection, however, I wonder whether we actually do sport one such structure: a man’s penis. One might object that it serves a nonsignaling function and is nothing more than well-designed reproductive machinery. However, that is not a serious objection to my speculation: we have already seen that women’s breasts simultaneously constitute signals and reproductive machinery. Comparisons with our ape relatives hint that the size of the human penis similarly exceeds bare functional requirements, and that that excess size may serve as a signal. The length of the erect penis is only about 1¼ inches in gorillas and 1½ inches in orangutans but 5 inches in humans, even though males of the two apes have much bigger bodies than men.
Are those extra couple of inches of the human penis a functionally unnecessary luxury? One counterinterpretation is that a large penis might somehow be useful in the wide variety of our copulatory positions compared to many other mammals. However, the 1½-inch penis of the male orangutan permits it to perform in a variety of positions that rival ours, and to outperform us by executing all those positions while hanging from a tree. As for the possible utility of a large penis in sustaining prolonged intercourse, orangutans top us in that regard too (mean duration fifteen minutes, versus a mere four minutes for the average American man).
A hint that the large human penis serves as some sort of signal may be gained by watching what happens when men take the opportunity to design their own penises, rather than remaining content with their evolutionary legacy. Men in the highlands of New Guinea do that by enclosing the penis in a decorative sheath called a phallocarp. The sheath is up to two feet long and four inches in diameter, often bright red or yellow in color, and variously decorated at the tip with fur, leaves, or a forked ornament. When I first encountered New Guinea men with phallocarps, among the Ketengban tribe in the Star Mountains last year, I had already heard a lot about them and was curious to see how they were used and how people explained them. It turned out that men wore their phallocarps constantly, at least whenever I encountered them. Each man owns several models, varying in size, ornamentation, and angle of erection, and each day he selects a model to wear according to his mood, much as each morning we select a shirt to wear. In response to my question as to why they wore phallocarps, the Ketengbans replied that they felt naked and immodest without them. That answer surprised me, with my Western perspective, because the Ketengbans were otherwise completely naked and left even their testes exposed.
In effect, the phallocarp is a conspicuous erect pseudo penis representing what a man would like to be endowed with. The size of the penis that we evolved was unfortunately limited by the length of a woman’s vagina. A phallocarp shows us what the human penis would look like if it were not subject to that practical constraint. It is a signal even bolder than the widowbird’s tail. The actual penis, while more modest than a phallocarp, is immodestly large by the standards of our ape ancestors, although the chimpanzee penis has also become enlarged over the inferred ancestral state and rivals men’s penises in size. Penis evolution evidently illustrates the operation of runaway selection just as Fisher postulated. Starting from a 1½-inch ancestral ape penis similar to the penis of a modern gorilla or orangutan, the human penis increased in length by a runaway process, conveying an advantage to its owner as an increasingly conspicuous signal of virility, until its length became limited by counterselection as difficulties fitting into a woman’s vagina became imminent.
The human penis may also illustrate Zahavi’s handicap model as a structure costly and detrimental to its owner. Granted, it is smaller and probably less costly than a peacock’s tail. However, it is large enough that if the same quantity of tissue were instead devoted to extra cerebral cortex, that brainy redesigned man would gain a big advantage. Hence a large penis’s cost should be regarded as a lost-opportunity cost: because any man’s available biosynthetic energy is finite, the energy squandered on one structure comes at the expense of energy potentially available for another structure. In effect, a man is boasting, “I’m already so smart and superior that I don’t need to devote more ounces of protoplasm to my brain, but I can instead afford the handicap of packing the ounces uselessly into my penis.”
What remains debatable is the intended audience at which the penis’s proclamation of virility is directed. Most men would assume that the ones who are impressed are women. However, women tend to report that they are more turned on by other features of a man, and that the sight of a penis is, if anything, unattractive. Instead, the ones really fascinated by the penis and its dimensions are men. In the showers in men’s locker rooms, men routinely size up each other’s endowment.
Even if some women are also impressed by the sight of a large penis or are satisfied by its stimulation of the clitoris and vagina during intercourse (as is very likely), it is not necessary for our discussion to degenerate into an either/or argument that assumes the signal to be directed at only one sex. Zoologists studying animals regularly discover that sexual ornaments serve a dual function: to attract potential mates of the opposite sex, and to establish dominance over rivals of the same sex. In that respect, as in many others, we humans still carr
y the legacy of hundreds of millions of years of vertebrate evolution engraved deeply into our sexuality. Over that legacy, our art, language, and culture have only recently added a veneer.
The possible signal function of the human penis, and the target of that signal (if there is one), thus remain unresolved questions. Hence this subject constitutes an appropriate ending to this book because it illustrates so well the book’s main themes: the importance, fascination, and difficulties of an evolutionary approach to human sexuality. Penis function is not merely a physiological problem that can be straightforwardly cleared up by biomechanical experiments on hydraulic models, but an evolutionary problem as well. That evolutionary problem is posed by the fourfold expansion in human penis size beyond its inferred ancestral size over the course of the last 7 to 9 million years. Such an expansion cries out for a historical, functional interpretation. Just as we have seen with strictly female lactation, concealed ovulation, men’s roles in society, and menopause, we have to ask what selective forces drove the historical expansion of the human penis and maintain its large size today.
Penis function is also an especially appropriate concluding subject because it seems at first so nonmysterious. Almost anyone would assert that the functions of the penis are to eject urine, inject sperm, and stimulate women physically during intercourse. But the comparative approach teaches us that those functions are accomplished elsewhere in the animal world by a relatively much smaller structure than the one with which we encumber ourselves. It also teaches us that such oversized structures evolve in several alternative ways that biologists are still struggling to understand. Thus, even the most familiar and seemingly most transparent piece of human sexual equipment surprises us with unsolved evolutionary questions.
Why Is Sex Fun?: The Evolution of Human Sexuality Page 14
