17. Lee, Memoirs, 89.
18. Flickinger, “Diary of Heth,” 31.
19. Bailey, British Flintlock Rifles, 49.
20. Ibid.
21. Parker Family Papers, journal entry for September 11.
22. Boyle, Thomas Sullivan Journal, 130.
23. Letter, Patrick Ferguson to George Ferguson, 8 Oct. 1777, Laing Manuscripts, 2, 456, University of Edinburgh, Scotland.
24. Letter, George Washington to the President of Congress, “Chads Ford, 5 O'Clock PM, September 11, 1777,” Fitzpatrick, Washington 9, 206.
25. Bailey, British Flintlock Rifles, 49–50.
26. Parker Family Papers.
27. Boyle, Thomas Sullivan Journal, 131.
28. Downman, Services, 33.
29. Dann, Nagle, 8. The firing position described by Nagle was used by a British rifleman, Sgt. Thomas Plunkett of the 95th, in 1809. “On 3 January 1809, during the retreat to Corunna, Tom Plunkett of the 95th Rifles shot the French General Auguste Colbert. To do so, he lay on his back with the sling of his Baker rifle over his right foot, one of the positions taught for accurate shooting. When Colbert's orderly bravely charged to avenge his master, Plunkett reloaded in time to shoot him too.” Caption of an illustration of the event, Richard Holmes, Redcoat (London: HarperCollins Publishers, 2001), 44.
30. Hugh F. Rankin, “An Officer out of His Time: Correspondence of Major Patrick Ferguson, 1779–1780, in Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L. Clements Library, edited by Howard Peckham, vol. 2 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1978), 299–301.
31. The Chevalier Dubuysson arrived near Charleston with “the Marquis de Lafayette, the Baron de Kalb, six officers, and two servants” on June 20, 1777. Dubuysson says that when they left for Philadelphia about June 25, “Our procession was led by one of the Marquis's servants, dressed as a hussar. The Marquis's carriage was a sort of uncovered settee, supported by four springs, with a forecarriage. Beside his carriage he had a servant on horseback, to perform the functions of a squire. The Baron de Kalb was in the same carriage. The two colonels, Lafayette's advisers, followed in a second two-wheeled carriage. The third carriage was for the aides-de-camp, and the fourth was for our baggage. The column ended with a Negro on horseback.” Lafayette, Letters and Papers, vol. 1, 73, 76.
32. Boyle, Thomas Sullivan Journal, 130–31.
33. John Marshall, The Life of George Washington, vol. 2 (New York: Wm. Wise, 1925), 299–300.
34. Boyle, Thomas Sullivan Journal, 131.
35. Dann, Nagle, 7.
36. Boyle, Thomas Sullivan Journal, 131. Court-Martial Testimony, March 31, 1778–PRO, W.O. 71: 85. Lieutenant Wilson was charged with cowardice on a later occasion, but several officers testified to his bravery. He was found innocent of the charge of cowardice but guilty of leaving his gun inappropriately.
37. Fitzpatrick, Washington 9, 206–7. Wilson's Orderly Book may be viewed online in the Washington Papers online, loc.gov.
38. Court-Martial Testimony, March 31, 1778-PRO, W.O. 71: 85.
39. The order of march is from “Correspondence of General von Knyphausen, Letter G, Microfiche 56, Hessian Papers,” 72. The number and type of guns of the 3rd Brigade Artillery is from ibid., 65. The estimated troop strengths are from “Return of the Number of Men, Women & Children Victualled the 5th of September 1777 at the Head of Elk,” Wier Letters. These numbers are rounded off, based on Commissary Wier's numbers given at Head of Elk a week earlier. The actual number of men fit for duty certainly would have been smaller, allowing for sickness, casualties, and not-uncommon inflation of commissary statistics. The total for these units based on Wier's figures is 9,200. Montrésor estimated 7,000, but he did not mention the 3rd and 4th British Brigades or the Hessian grenadiers. The actual numbers fit for duty were probably about 8,000.
40. Montrésor, Montrésor Journals, 449.
41. Ewald, Diary, 84.
42. Ibid., 83.
43. Hammond, Sullivan, vol. 1, 549.
44. Letter, Grant to Harvey, “Philadelphia 20th Octr. 1777,” Grant Papers, reel 28.
45. Letter, Sullivan to Hancock, “Camp at Perkiominy October 6, 1777,” Hammond, Sullivan, 475–76.
46. This tract is now in Pocopson Township, which was formed in 1849 from parts of the surrounding townships. The Baily farm was later known as Bragg's Hill, and the road to the ford, now partially private, is called Bragg's Hill Road.
47. Joel Baily built large levels for the rods used in measuring distances. He also recorded daily temperatures for four months. See A. Hughlett Mason, The Journal of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1969), 58, 172, 173, 196. The temperature records were vital in measuring, for a brass standard rod had been sent from England, and several fir rods had also been sent. The survey required constant measurement of the rods against the standard, and the temperatures determined deviation in sizes as they expanded and contracted. Baily recorded the lowest temperature ever in Chester County, –22F in February, 1767. Charles Mason noted on June 21, 1767, “The height of the Fahrenheit Thermometer hung in the Shade on the North Side of a House standing on a Hill, about three Miles Eastward of Mr. Harland's. This is the same Thermometer as is taken account of for four months past by myself. The following [data] is by Mr. Joel Bayley [sic].” The “House standing on a Hill” was Baily's house, where Capt. Mountjoy Bayly, whose last name was alternately spelled Baily and Bayley, though he himself spelled it Bayly, encountered Joel on September 11, 1777.
48. Gilbert Cope, Genealogy of the Baily Family…Descendants of Joel Baily (Lancaster, PA: Wickersham Printing Co., 1912), 38–39. Mason and Dixon began their survey at John Harlan's house, located about two miles west of the Baily farm. There they placed the famous Star Gazer's Stone, marking the starting point to begin their measurements fifteen miles south to the east-west line. The survey lasted from 1764 to 1768, with Mason and Dixon returning to the Harlan House each winter to rest and go over their calculations. See also Arthur E. James, Chester County Clocks and Their Makers (Exton, PA: Schiffler Publishing Co., 1947).
49. Mountjoy Bayly served for years as doorkeeper of the Senate and sergeant-at-arms. “Mountjoy Bayley—Captain, 7th Maryland Regiment, Colonel John Gunby, Smallwood's Brigade, enlisted 3rd Dec. 1776, resigned 14 Sept. 1778,” Archives of Maryland, Muster Rolls etc. of the Maryland Troops in the American Revolution (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1900), 189. He died in 1836. Francis Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1982), 81.
50. Futhey and Cope, Chester County, 80.
51. Ibid. This story of the encounter with Joel Baily came from Mountjoy Bayly by way of Dr. William Darlington, one of Chester County's earliest historians and a sometime member of Congress: “In the spring of 1822, during the session of the Seventeenth Congress, the compiler of these notes happened to be passing an evening with some friends at the residence of old Mountjoy Bayly, sergeant-at-arms of the United States Senate.”
52. British Depredations Book, Chester County Historical Society.
53. The Revolutionary War's most famous private soldier, Joseph Plumb Martin of the 8th Connecticut Regiment, nicknamed “Private Yankee Doodle,” visited this tavern in April 1778, while stationed at Downingtown on foraging duty during the Valley Forge encampment: “several of our party went to a tavern in the neighborhood. We here gambled a little for some liquor by throwing a small dart or stick, armed at one end with a pin, at a mark on the ceiling of the room. While I was at this amusement I found that the landlord and I bore the same name, and upon further discourse I found that he had a son about my age, whose given name was the same as mine. This son was taken prisoner at Fort Lee, on the Hudson River, in the year 1776, and died on his way home. These good people were almost willing to persuade themselves that I was their son. There were two very pretty girls, sisters to the deceased young man, who seemed wonderfully taken up with me,
called me ‘brother,’ and I fared none the worse for my name. I used often, afterwards, in my cruises to that part of the state, to call in as I passed, and was always well treated by the whole family. The landlord used to fill my canteen with whiskey or peach or cider brandy to enable me, as he said, to climb the Welch mountains. I always went there with pleasure and left with regret. I often wished afterwards that I could find more namesakes.” Martin, Private Yankee Doodle, 115. Joseph Martin Jr. in fact had not died; he was taken prisoner and finally came home in 1780 after being exchanged. One can only imagine the family's reaction to having a long-lost son, given up for dead, return to his family. He became a shoemaker and married Joel Baily's daughter Hannah in 1782.
54. Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives 5, 810.
55. Hammond, Sullivan, 476.
56. Washington Papers online, ser. 4, Correspondence, Sept–Oct. 1777, image 143. The notation after Ross's signature, “D. P. Regt.” is a mystery; it may very well stand for “Dunlap's Pennsylvania Regiment” or possibly “Dunlap's Partizan Regiment.” (“I have formed a Rifle Regt, and put a Coll. Dunlap at the head of it, a prudent man, and not unacquainted with the business of a Partizan,” Maj. Gen. John Armstrong told the Council on August 29. Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives 5, 563–64.)
On September 11, 1777, James Ross was the lieutenant colonel of the 8th Pennsylvania, promoted the previous June. Prior to that, he had served since the beginning of the war in the Pennsylvania Line with the same unit, the 1st Pennsylvania, which in 1777 was still largely a rifle regiment (captain, Thompson's Rifle Battalion, 1775; major, 1st Continental Regiment, 1776; lieutenant-colonel, 1st Pennsylvania, 1777). Capt. Michael Simpson had also served in the 1st Pennsylvania, and most of the 1st Pennsylvania continued to function as riflemen and were excellent scouts and skirmishers.
The conjecture is based on the following circumstantial evidence. The exact makeup of Dunlap's regiment is not known; it formed in late August 1777 and lasted barely a month. It was composed of 300 Pennsylvania militia riflemen, drawn from many sources. It would make sense to have them organized and led by experienced regular army officers, since Morgan's Rifle Corps had been sent to the Northern Army. Dunlap's was attached to Maxwell's LI Corps and may have been screening his right flank on the morning of September 11. This patrol would have been to the right of Maxwell's main body (posted near Kennett Meeting) when the Great Valley Road skirmish took place. Ross may have been put in command of this patrol because of his general knowledge of the area (he was from Lancaster, thirty miles west), dependability, and rifle expertise.
Further, Gen. Thomas Conway had proposed the following idea to the Council two weeks before Dunlap's regiment was formed: “15th August, 1777…Having the honour to Command a Pennsylvania Brigade (3rd Brigade, 3rd, 6th, 9th, and 12 Pa. Regts.), I think it my Duty to inform you of the situation of the troops entrusted to me. The four Pennsylvania Regiments in Brigade are Very Weak—one is two hundred men strong, the three others are upon an average, one hundred and sixty…it is thought, with some foundation, there a good many men have been Debauch'd by the Militia, where they have been persuaded to serve as substitutes; this injures the army very much and makes it impossible for the Regiments to fill up; the militia, in general, hurt the army, and are absolutely good for nothing. I have seen it clearly in this campaign, it will arise chiefly from the foolish confidence putt in Militia…It is next to madness to imagine that undisciplined troops will make anything of a tolerable stand in the field against troops, any way officer'd and disciplined, therefore, my opinion is that you should attach to each Pennsylvania Regiment a Militia Company, During the remainder of the Campaign, under the Denomination of State Granedeers, or State Volunteers, or Light Infantry. I am sure they will render more service than six times the number of Militia together; proper regulations might be made to make this agreeable to the Militia, and it would do some service to the army, as I am pretty sure that the other States would soon follow the salutary example.” Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives 5, 522–23. (Anthony Wayne told Washington on September 2, “Upon Mature Consideration I believe it will not answer to Annex the Militia to our Brigades—I wish it may not take place.” Stillé, Wayne, 76.)
The italicized comment in Conway's letter indicates that some of the men serving in the militia did, in fact, have experience in the regular army; Graydon, Frazer, and others complained repeatedly of how difficult it was to raise Continental troops for full three-year enlistments when militiamen could serve shorter terms with better pay.
Regarding this issue in the summer of 1777, Graydon later wrote, “Uniforms and epaulets, with militia titles and paper money, making numbers of persons gentlemen who had never been so before, kept up every where throughout the country the spirit of opposition; and, if these were not real patriotism, they were very good substitutes for it. Could there, in fact, be any comparison between the condition of a daily drudge in agricultural and mechanical labour, and that of a spruce militia-man living without work, and, at the same time, having plenty of continental dollars in his pocket! How could he be otherwise than well affected to such a cause!” Graydon, Memoirs, 301–2.
57. Printed in England in the Gazette and New Daily Advertiser (November 21, 1777), 2, cols. 3, 4; headed “Boston, October 2,” probably from the Independent Chronicle, Boston. This letter “By a Gentleman of Distinction” was widely published in America and made its way to England. It contained criticism of Sullivan that effectively smeared that general's reputation and led to a second court of inquiry into Sullivan's conduct. Burke revealed himself as the author after Sullivan fired off indignant letters to Congress.
58. Lafayette, Letters and Papers 1, 94. James Parker told Charles Steuart, “Sept. 12: I was told by a [captured?] Rebel, that during the interval Yesterday, Washington rode twice along the line, he told those in the Center where this man was, that our troops were ——— to the right…” Parker Family Papers, reel 2.
59. Dispatch, Washington to Bland, “Chads ford 11th Septr. 1777 20 Mints. after [—] O'Clock,” Autograph Collection, CCHS. The critical time on this note is missing, as the heading is crammed into the upper right corner of the document, some of which is missing, thus rendering parts of the inscription illegible. A notation on the bottom, written in another hand, labels this paper as “Orders written during the battle of Brandywine hour and minute 20 minutes to 4 oclock.” The contents of this message and subsequent events of the battle makes 3:40 P.M. highly unlikely, since Washington had already ordered three divisions to move out nearly two hours earlier in response to Bland's note of 1:15 P.M. This message may also have been written subsequent to Squire Cheyney's arrival and information. Firm documentation of Cheyney's story remains elusive.
60. Futhey and Cope, Chester County, 80. This anecdote was collected and recorded by Chester County's first historian, Dr. William Darlington, ca. 1800. Parker's primary account is a remarkable confirmation of what might otherwise be considered an apocryphal tale.
61. Parker Family Papers, reel 2.
62. Hammond, Sullivan, 475–76.
63. Pickering Papers, reel 52, 184–85.
64. Pickering and Upham, Life of Pickering, vol. 2, 81.
65. “The Papers of General Samuel Smith,” Historical Magazine 7, 2nd ser., no. 2 (1870): 85.
66. Von Donop, Journal of the Hessian Corps, Letter Z, Hessian Corps Report, 83–87.
67. Letter, Sullivan to Hancock, “Camp at Perkiominy October 6th 1777,” Hammond, Sullivan, 475–76.
68. Ibid.
69. Washington Papers online, ser. 4, Correspondence, Sept–Oct. 1777, image 145.
70. Letter, George Washington to J. Sullivan, “Head Quarters October 24th 1777,” Washington Papers online, ser. 3b, Varick Transcripts, Letter Book 4, images 223–24. Congressman Thomas Burke, who was present at Brandywine and extremely critical of Sullivan, wrote on September 17, “General Sullivan was informed by a Country man, a Major of Militia, that he had come along the road which immediately led from t
hat ford and had seen no Enemy, whereupon he dispatched Information to General Washington that he was Convinced from the Countryman's Intelligence that no Enemy was upon that Rout[e]…[Sullivan] relied on the Information of a Country man who passed along One road while the Enemy were marching on the other.” Letter, Thomas Burke to Richard Caswell, “Philadelphia Sept 17, 1777,” Smith et. al., Letters of Delegates 7, 680–81.
71. Von Donop, Journal of the Hessian Corps, Letter Z, Hessian Corps Report, 83–87.
72. Ewald, Diary, 84.
73. Townsend MS.
74. Ibid.
75. Map key, Archibald Robertson, Battle of Brandywine, manuscript map, RCIN 734026.A, King's Map Collection, Royal Library, Windsor Castle, UK.
76. Townsend MS. The Futhey and Cope published version gives a considerably different spacing of the British force: “The space occupied by the main body and the flanking parties was near half a mile wide.” Futhey and Cope, Chester County, 75.
77. Townsend MS.
78. Washington Papers online, ser. 4, General Correspondence, image 131.
79. Ibid., image 147.
80. Pickering Papers, reel 52, 184–85.
81. Robertson Map Key.
82. British Journal 1776–1778, Journal of Officer B, Sol Feinstone Collection, David Library of the American Revolution. The contents of the journal indicate that he was an officer of the 17th Light Company.
83. Von Münchhausen, Diary, 31.
84. Hammond, Sullivan, 463.
85. Letter, von Knyphausen to Germain, dated “Camp near Philadelphia Octbr 21st 1777,” PRO, CO/94: 440.
86. Baurmeister, Letters, 11–15.
87. Von Münchhausen, Diary, 31. Some later American writers have derided this halt as “stopping for lunch,” “halting because it was dinner time,” or worse yet, the British “stopping for tea,” pandering to ridiculous stereotypes. In fact, given the length of the march, the heat, and the hilly terrain, attempting any sort of attack without food and rest at this stage would have been unthinkable. Rested, fed, and well-motivated troops perform surprisingly better than exhausted, famished, and coerced soldiers, as the subsequent attack so clearly demonstrated.
The Philadelphia Campaign Page 47
