Many of these panzer divisions are of course, still somewhat understrength from action on the Eastern Front, testimony to the ferocity of the Soviet army. Three of them are élite SS units—the 1st SS, 2nd SS, and the 12th SS. His one panzergrenadier division is also SS, the 17th SS Panzergrenadier “Gotz von Berlichingen.”
The 1st SS Panzer, one of his strongest divisions, can now boast a complement of over 21,000 men. Others, including the two that have not yet arrived in the West, cannot. The 9th SS Panzer, for example, still in transit from the East, could not come up with 13,000. Although still short of men, SS Brigadeführer Fritz Witt’s latest report for the 12th SS Panzer is that training is all but complete, and the unit is ready for offensive action.
A serious problem is a shortage of tanks. The 1st SS Panzer was allocated 200, but currently has a total of 88, and only 38 of these are Panthers. Rommel’s 2nd Panzer, actually one of the better equipped divisions, has a total of just 69 out of 162 tanks authorized, and only 25 are Panthers. Bayerlein’s Panzer Lehr is the only division that boasts a full panzer complement, with a total of 183 tanks. No, the new panzers are not coming fast enough.2
The lone panzergrenadier division, because it is an SS division, enjoys a larger authorized complement than its army equivalent. Yet in reality it is still much weaker than its organizational table would indicate, even though it now musters 17,321 men, a thousand short of its full authorized strength.3
Of these ten panzer units, four are designated as OKW reserves, technically under his control, but in reality, subject to release only by the Führer himself. Their Locations are scattered all over his command. The 12th SS Panzer and Panzer Lehr are centrally located inland, between Normandy and the Somme. The 1st SS Panzer is rebuilding far up in Belgium, between Brussels and Antwerp. The 17th SS Panzergrenadier, under the command of SS Brigadeführer Werner Ostendorff, is located south of the Loire River, around Thouars.4
He looks at the map in his study. Three more panzer divisions are under Rommel’s direct operational control. The rebuilt 21st, with its many substandard vehicles (so many in fact, that it really should be rated as a panzergrenadier division), is Located near Caen. Its two regiments of panzergrenadiers are on either side of the Orne River, and the division’s panzer regiment is south of the city. Von Rundstedt had suggested that it be put further west, perhaps south of St Lô. Rommel had countered by suggesting instead that the 12th SS be moved close to the Vire estuary. Von Rundstedt had said no. The 12th SS was part of the panzer reserve and would remain so.
Rommel’s other two panzer divisions, the 2nd and 116th, are located northeast of the Seine, in the Fifteenth Army’s sector. With the bridges all knocked out at this point, movement in response to any threat in the western provinces could be a problem.
Three additional panzer units are allocated in southern France, in Blaskowitz’s Armeegruppe G: The 11th Panzer is inland from Bordeaux, the 2nd SS Panzer is about 70km north of Toulouse, and the 9th Panzer is near Avignon.
Beside these ten divisions, one more has just now started to arrive in France. It is the 19th, which had struggled its way out of the Hube Pocket in the East. Now exhausted and depleted by vicious fighting in the East, it is down to less than a quarter of its former size. Like many other armored units before, it is coming west, specifically to Holland, to recuperate, refit, and reform. And like most of the others before it, the 19th Panzer is leaving most of its equipment and supplies behind, components that will be used by other units on the Eastern Front. So the 19th in its present condition will not by any means be a viable unit to use, and von Rundstedt does not intend to commit it to any combat.5 The men need a well-earned rest.
On top of these 11 divisions, OKW has promised that the II SS Panzer Corps, consisting of the 9th and 10th SS Panzer divisions, will be shipped to the West whenever the invasion starts. Of course, von Rundstedt has been promised these units before.
Against his fortified command, Army Intelligence has estimated that the Allies could probably land nearly seven full, top-grade divisions at any viable landing area on just the first day, supported by some five or six regiments of artillery, maybe a half-dozen battalions of engineers, and a couple tank regiments. In strategic support, it is estimated that they could initially drop up to four paratroop divisions, followed by another two or three over a few days.
Von Rundstedt pauses and considers his upcoming inspection trip. Although its purpose is to inspect the various units in western France, he is not going to push himself too much. And his son coming along will make the time go better…
Von Rundstedt sighs and looks at his watch. Around 11 a.m. Time to take a break and go for a walk. He grabs his walking stick and leaves out the back door of the villa. He will stop for a drink somewhere as soon as he ditches his shadow that is tasked with following him…
***
Today, the Führer allows the head of the Kriegsmarine, GroßAdmiral Karl Dönitz, to go on leave. It is his first since the start of the war.
Generalfeldmarschall Rommel goes to his study after breakfast and looks over the morning reports. A few hundred bombers hit some radio and radar stations on the coast the night before. However, the navy reports that there are many still operating. That’s good.
He wonders yet again about when the invasion will come. Why didn’t they attack last month? There had been something like 18 days of near-perfect weather. May had even ended on a bright, sunny day. And the tides had been favorable. Everyone knows by now that the Allies are in a high state of readiness. The landing, he reasons—if there is to be one—should have come by now. More and more, it seems like the invasion will probably tie in with the expected Soviet offensive. That would put it somewhere around late June, after the late Polish thaw ends.
He still feels that the main landing site will be some distance up the coast—away from Normandy, somewhere in the Fifteenth Army sector. For one thing, Allied reconnaissance flights spotted up there have outnumbered those over the Seventh Army by a 2-to-1 ratio. Still, he cannot take any chances. All of Heeresgruppe B is in an alert status, although it is a low-grade one.
His fundamental problem remains of course, still not being able to get all the panzers positioned near the coast. Unfortunately, even if he does get his way and all the panzer divisions are allowed to relocate to his direct control, he will still have a big problem moving nearly all of them once the invasion comes. Spread out all over France right now, one or maybe two might be close to the landing site whenever the time comes; but that means that most will be some distance from the target area. He needs somehow to get the panzers redeployed as soon as possible.
Transportation is a big issue. Most of the mobile units in the responding divisions will just have to make their way by road, vulnerable to strafing. With the situation as critical as it is, he will also have to rely on the badly beat-up French rail system to move as many panzers as he can as close to the invasion site as possible. The measure of his counterattacks will rely upon the efficiency of the OKH Quartermaster and upon the French rail system—the same system that has been getting such a heavy pounding lately by the Allied air forces.
The biggest bottlenecks are the various river networks running inland from the English Channel, especially the Seine itself. Von Rundstedt has established special bridge restoration units to repair them as soon as possible. Protecting them while they work are flak units, including major components of Pickert’s III. Flak Korps.
Construction of barriers continues. Complicating things is the shortage of cement, partly due to the increased enemy bombings of the railways. There is a coal shortage too. The cement installation in Cherbourg has had to close down last month because of a lack of coal. His men are trying to get some shipped by canal up to Rouen, but that will be slow.
Rommel takes a break to confer with Assistant Secretary Berndt, 6 a member of Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry. They discuss how to psychologically influence the enemy at the actual moment of invasion. Rommel is not leaving an
y stone unturned.
Things at the château seem quiet today, so just after lunch, Rommel takes advantage of the good weather. He and Hauptmann Lang take a ride up to the coast for yet another look at the coastal defenses. They travel northeast to inspect the fortress at Dieppe and the shoreline up there, covered by Sanders’ 245th Division and Generalmajor Seyffardt’s 348th Division.
While examining the beach installations, he is told that the incomplete 170mm battery near Ault has in the last few days been bombed twice.7 He directs that the guns be withdrawn to shelter until the concrete emplacements are finished.
Back from his inspection early that evening, physically tired from stomping along the coast today, and generally fatigued overall from the intense activities of the last few weeks, he gets a visit from the military governor of Belgium, General von Falkenhausen. They relax in Rommel’s study and talk about the war. To the visiting friend, Rommel’s demeanor seems changed, reflected in a strange pessimism, uncharacteristic for him. Perhaps the field marshal feels differently now about the future, has been disturbed by recent events in the progress of the war, or is just mentally and physically fatigued from the rigorous schedule he has kept for the past few months. At any rate, he seems to the military governor a different man than when they last saw each other in Brussels at the end of February.
The more they chat, the more von Falkenhausen is convinced of this. With a possible massive invasion looming near, Rommel, feeling the stress of the heavy responsibility that is upon him, is no longer enthusiastic and optimistic. Rather, he seems sadly resigned and somber about Germany’s chances of coming out of this war in a relatively good condition, something the visiting general himself has been convinced of for a while now.
Von Falkenhausen later writes:
[W]hen I repaid the visit on June 1, 1944, at La Roche-Guyon, he had changed and wholeheartedly adopted my view.
That evening, Rommel sits back and relaxes at a small celebration party given by his staff. His Operations chief, von Tempelhoff, has been promoted to Oberst!—a full colonel. They also use the opportunity to bid a heartfelt farewell to Oberst! Heckel and a few other officers who have been in their quartermaster staff for a while.
***
It is dark now. Fifteenth Army Signals Center is busy with routine interceptions of BBC transmissions. As usual, they are all analyzed for content.
The enlisted watch operator, Unteroffizier Walter Reichling, is sitting at his desk with his headphones on, listening to the end of the BBC 9 o’clock news. It is almost time for the “French speaking to French” special messages that are regularly sent to the Resistance in occupied Europe.8 The phrases are simple yet cryptic, and no meaning can be discerned from them, unless that code has somehow been divulged to their center beforehand by Intelligence.
Reichling is always especially alert for any of those coded phrases. Those they know about, though, are rare. Usually the messages they receive are nonsense, red herrings made up of innocuous phrases sent to confuse them. Still, Reichling’s boss, Oberst!leutnant Meyer, 9 is a thorough man and has always insisted that his men record and examine everything intercepted for later analysis on any possible meaning or patterns. Once in a while, they are rewarded for their diligence when an authentic code for a particular underground group is picked up. Strangely, there seem to have been quite a few of those lately, over a hundred in the last couple days. Intelligence has determined that many of the recent authentic messages are the first half of two-part personal message triggers.
Reichling is bored as he goes on listening to the BBC’s news broadcast. A couple of somewhat interesting tidbits, and some reports about the progress of the war. Still, certainly nothing of significance. Finally, the news comes to an end, and Reichling is glad. Here comes the interesting stuff: the messages to the Underground.
ICI LONDRES—LES FRANҪAIS PARLENT AUX FRANҪAIS. VOICI NOTRE HUITIEME BULLETIN D’INFORMATION. MAIS ÉCOUTEZ TOUT D’ABORD, QUELQUES MESSAGES PERSONNELS…
The messages begin. He makes sure the recorder is working, taking down these simple sentences. Some moments later, he frowns as he listens to the next message. His eyes Suddenly fly open in astonishment as he begins to write it down. Quickly he checks to make sure the wire recorder is still recording what he is hearing. Moments after this message ends, he rips off his headphones, grabs the paper, tells his assistant to keep listening, and goes running down the corridor, racing out of the intercept bunker.
He dashes over to Meyer’s special command bunker and heads directly for Meyer’s office. He flings open his office door and goes in.
The office is actually a spacious room divided by a partition. Meyer works on one side, and his superior, Fifteenth Army Chief of Staff, Generalleutnant Rudolf Hoffmann, works in the other. A large square opening in the center of the wall allows them to converse and exchange messages.
“Herr Oberst!leutnant,” Reichling says breathlessly, “Pardon me sir, but the first part of the message. It’s here.” He hands Meyer the paper with the message notation and the time on it.
Meyer looks up sharply. “The Verlaine poem?” he replies, standing up.
“Jawohl, Herr Oberst!leutnant. I just heard it.”
Meyer grabs his hat and quickly follows Reichling over to the watch office. He listens to the recording of the wire intercept, nodding. It is indeed the first verse of the code. Admiral Canaris’ information has evidently been right. It looks like the invasion will now come in a couple of weeks. They have to notify all major commands right away.
Meyer takes off for General Hoffmann’s villa. As he quickly walks into the living room, Hoffmann looks up and growls, “Ja?”
Meyer hands him the paper with Reichling’s scribbles on it. “Well, there’s the message. It’s here,” he tells the Chief.
Hofmann is quiet, studying the paper. “The Verlaine poem, Herr General,” Meyer adds. Has he forgotten?
After another second or two, Hoffmann asks, “Are you sure?”
Meyer replies confidently. “We just recorded it.”
Hoffmann pauses. “Very well,” he says. “I’ll put Fifteenth on alert immediately. Make sure the other commands get the word.”
“Jawohl, Herr General.” Meyer leaves as Hoffmann picks up the phone and orders Alert One, the second highest alarm.
Meyer runs back to his office and immediately gets on the phone to the Intelligence Officer at Heeresgruppe B, Anton Staubwasser. Meyer tells him that the first part of the Verlaine poem has just been intercepted. Staubwasser acknowledges and tells him that he will pass the message on to the field marshal and to his chief of staff. Meyer hangs up and then calls OB West to tell them as well.
After making the two calls, still excited, he begins preparing a formal, follow-up teletype message that will immediately to go out to OKW, OB West, Seventh Army, and Heeresgruppe B, while that simple French verse continues to echo in his ears:
“Les sanglots longs des violons de l’automne…” The long sobs of the violins of autumn…
***
This evening, Oberst! Oskar Reile, head of Abteilung III der Abwehrleitstelle Frankreich (German counterintelligence in France), is in his headquarters in the Hôtel Lutetia in Paris, analyzing dozens of intercepted coded messages for the French resistance cells in the Underground. He has been doing this now for many months, monitoring and investigating radio traffic. From going over these intercepts, he strongly suspects that the invasion target is going to be the Normandy area. He also has determined that many of these messages are the first half of two-part personal message triggers. So far, he has intercepted a few hundred of them. Most, he knows, are decoys. But since February of this year, the Abwehr had cracked enough of the French Underground to know that, when they were broadcast, many would signal an upcoming major operation, probably the invasion. Even more importantly, they knew in several instances which code phrases to listen for.
Tonight, Reile’s men have intercepted over a hundred of these first-part messages, most t
o the Brittany and Normandy area. However, they get excited just after 9 p.m. when they intercept the first line of the Verlaine poem. Two hurry over to his office and inform him of the intercept. The invasion will now supposedly come within two weeks.
Reile considers that. Such a flurry of messages had been sent at the beginning of May, and German Intelligence had accordingly gone on the alert. However, nothing had ever come of them, and finally the Germans had concluded that this had been a ruse.
So was this the real thing? It seemed to be. To support this, his office has noted that those resistance cells that the Allies know or suspect the Germans have infiltrated have so far not received any such key messages.
Reile, not taking any chances, informs OB West (through Gestapo headquarters, which is now handling Abwehr activities) of the intelligence alert, and then Berlin.10 Reile’s message strangely is not sent to Heeresgruppe B. He assumes that OB West will forward it.
***
At OB West, von Rundstedt’s Ic, Wilhelm Meyer-Detring, is on leave, so his deputy takes the call. Reile tells him about the two-part alert messages being sent, and about the Verlaine trigger line. He recommends that the Seventh and Fifteenth Armies be put on alert. The deputy thanks Reile for the call. He makes a note of it and does no more. Meyer-Detring, like von Rundstedt, puts little credence in espionage-related matters, so late last year, he told his staff to ignore such BBC “alerts.” And since Rommel now commands the Seventh and the Fifteenth, let him alert them.
Countdown to D-Day Page 72
