41. Chavez, trans., and Warner, ed., Domínguez-Escalante Journal, 47–48, 55–56, 65–69, 72
(the first two quotes are from pp. 67 and 69). The longer quote is from Silvestre Vélez de Escalante, Pageant in the Wilderness: The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776, ed. and trans. Herbert Eugene Bolton (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1950), 216.
42. Anderson, Indian Southwest, 128–37; and “Description of the most notable characteristics of the El Paso del Río del Norte, as given by one of its citizens, after seven years’ residence there,” Sep. 1, 1773, HD, 3:508.
43. John, Storms, 485; and FF, 16, 63–64.
44. Deborah Lamont Newlin, The Tonkawa People: A Tribal History from the Earliest Times to 1893
(Lubbock: West Texas Museum Association, 1982), 15–18; and F. Todd Smith, From Dominance to Disappearance: The Indians of Texas and the Near Southwest, 1786–1859 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 73–74. Quotes are from de Mézières to Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, ADM, 1:289–90; and Jean Louis Berlandier, Journey to Mexico: During the Years 1826 to 1834, trans.
Sheila M. Ohlendorf, Josette M. Bigelow, and Mary M. Standifer, 2 vols. (Austin: Texas State Historical Association and University of Texas Press, 1980), 2:381.
45. The changes in the Hasinai-Comanche relations and the decreased political weight of the Hasinais became apparent in 1770, when Spanish officials decided to employ the Caddos as middlemen in an effort to negotiate peace with the Comanches. Spaniards sponsored a high-level meeting among the Kadohadachos instead of the Hasinais; indeed, the Hasinais were not even present.
See Athanase de Mézières, “Official Relation . . . ,” Oct. 29, 1770, ADM, 1:206–20. For the decline of the Hasinais and the commercial ascendancy of the Wichitas, see Daniel A. Hickerson, “Historical Processes, Epidemic Disease, and the Formation of the Hasinais Confederacy,” Ethnohistory 44 (Winter 1997): 42–46.
46. For Comanche-Taovaya relations, see Declaration of Antonio Treviño, Aug. 13, 1765, BA 10:379; Carlos E. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519–1936, 7 vols. (Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones, 1936–58), 4:194–96; and F. Todd Smith, The Wichita Indians: The Traders of Texas and the Southern Plains, 1540–1845 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2000), 42. For Taovaya farming, see Anderson, Indian Southwest, 162–63. For Texas’s wealth in horses, see Dan Flores, Horizontal Yellow: Nature and History in the Near Southwest (Albuquerque: University
Notes to Pages 92–96
387
of New Mexico Press, 1999), 107–8; and Juan N. Almonte, “Statistical Report on Texas,” trans.
C. E. Castañeda, SHQ 28 (Jan. 1925): 191. For Louisiana’s livestock markets, Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 176–81.
47. Quote is from de Mézières, “Official Relation,” 219. For Comanche raiding in Texas and its links to eastbound horse trade, see also Lafora, Frontiers, 149–50; and de Mézières to Luis Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771, Ripperdá to the viceroy, Aug. 2, 1772, Roque de Medina to Hugo O’Conor, Mar. 8, 1774, and de Mézières to Unzaga, Mar. 24 and Dec. 16, 1774, ADM, 1:253, 334, 2:32–34, 103, 115. For trade prohibitions, see O’Reilly to de Mézières, Jan. 23, 1779, ADM, 1:135–36; and Alejandro O’Reilly, “Proclamation,” Dec. 7, 1769, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1765–94: Translations of Materials from the Spanish Archives in the Bancroft Library, ed. Lawrence Kinnaird, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1946–49), 2:126. For slave traffic, see de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 19, 1776, PT, 2:247; and de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 19, 1778, ADM, 2:209.
48. For the Taovaya/Wichita trade system, Comanche participation in it, and the lack of European goods in Comanchería, see Declaration of Antonio Treviño, BA 10:379; Antonio de Ulloa to Hugo O’Conor, 1768, de Mézières to Unzaga, July 3, 1771, Ripperdá to the viceroy, Apr. 28, 1772, de Mézières to Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, Ripperdá to the viceroy, July 6, 1772, J. Gaignard, “Journal,”
and Croix to José de Gálvez, Sep. 23, 1778, ADM, 1:129, 251, 270, 301, 2:88–90, 222–23, 329–30; and PV, 91–94. The quote “trifles” is from Gaignard, “Journal,” 95.
49. For the impact of the British threat on Spain’s Wichita policy, see Ulloa to O’Conor, 1768, and Ripperdá to the viceroy, Apr. 28, 1772, ADM, 1:127–30, 269–70. In 1773 Hugo O’Conor, the commanding general of the Interior Provinces, ordered Texas to implement Rubí’s plans. Texas officials abandoned several presidios and missions in eastern Texas and began seeking friendly relations with the southern plains nations. In contrast to Rubí’s recommendations, however, the colony did not focus its diplomatic efforts on the Comanches. For the implementation of Rubí’s recommendations in Texas, see John, Storms, 448–64. For Osages, see de Mézières to Unzaga, May 20, 1770, ADM, 1:166–68 (quote is from p. 167); and Colin G. Calloway, One Vast Winter Count: The Native American West before Lewis and Clark (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 364–65.
50. For the 1770 conference, see de Mézières, “Official Relation,” 206–20 (quotes are from pp. 209–
10). For Wichita-Spanish peace process, see Smith, Wichita Indians, 44–51. For Osage trade, see de Mézières to Unzaga, May 20, 1770, ADM, 1:166–67.
51. “Articles of Peace Granted to the Taouaïazés Indians,” Oct. 27, 1771, and Ripperdá to the viceroy, Apr. 28, 1772, ADM, 1:256–59, 269–71. Betraying their anxiety, Comanches had begun “waging a most cruel war” against Wichitas upon learning about the Spanish-induced rapprochement between Wichitas and Lipans. See de Mézières “Official Relation,” 212. Quotes are from de Mézières to Unzaga, July 3, 1771, ADM, 1:251; and “Articles of Peace,” 257.
52. Ripperdá to Unzaga, May 26, 1772, ADM, 1:273–74. Also see Barr, “From Captives to Slaves,”
42–43.
53. For Povea’s visit, see Ripperdá to the viceroy, July 5, 1772, ADM, 1:320–21.
54. Gaignard, “Journal,” 83–100 (quotes are from p. 94). Indicating just how effective the Wichita trade blockade was, one Comanche chief told Gaignard that it had been eight years since his followers had seen “Frenchmen.” For Gaignard’s instructions, see J. Gaignard to Unzaga, Jan. 6, 1774, ADM, 2:81–82. Quote is from Ripperdá to the viceroy, July 6, 1772, ADM, 1:331.
388
Notes to Pages 96–100
55. Quote is from de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 5, 1778, ADM, 2:195. For Comanche-Wichita aggression and Comanche expansion into Wichita range, see de Mézières to Unzaga, Dec. 16, 1774, and de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 8, 1778, and Sep. 13, 1779, ADM, 2:115, 198, 275.
56. For Osage and Lipan attacks, see de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 18, 1778, ADM, 2:203; and Willard H.
Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 142–46. For the Lipan situation, see John, Storms, 403–4.
57. Morfí, History, 1:86, 2:434–35. Quote is from de Mézières to Croix, Apr. 18, 1778, ADM, 2:203.
58. For Comanche-Wichita trade in the early and mid-1780s, see Vial and Chavez, Diary, 50; and Cabello, Responses, BA 17:418. Quotes are from de Mézières to Croix, Sep. 13, 1779, ADM, 2:275; and Qui Te Sain to Bernardo de Gálvez, Nov. 4, 1780, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed. Kinnaird, 1:392.
59. Ripperdá to B. de Gálvez, June 7, 1777, ADM, 2:131–32. Quotes are from de Mézières to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778, and Croix to J. de Gálvez, Sep. 23, 1778, ADM, 2:182, 222–23.
60. For de Mézières’ plans and the Osage situation, see de Mézières to B. de Gálvez, Sep. 14, 1777, ADM, 2:141–47 (quote is from p. 146); and Gilbert C. Din, “The Spanish Fort on the Arkansas, 1763–1803,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 42 (Autumn 1983): 274–76. For Spanish losses to Apache raiders, see Barnard E. Bobb, The Viceregency of Antonio María de Bucareli in New Spain, 1771–1779 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), 151–52. For the council of war, see “Coun
cil of War, Chihuahua, June 9–15, 1778,” PINM, 193–211. For de Mézières’ activities, see de Mézières to Croix, Mar. 23, Apr. 5, 7, 18, and 19, and Nov. 15, 1778, ADM, 2:190–97, 200–1, 212–14.
61. De Mézières to Croix, Nov. 15, 1778, ADM, 2:232–33; and John, Storms, 529–30. For lack of gifts, see Croix, “General Report,” 76, 79, and Domingo Cabello y Robles to Étienne Vaugine, Oct. 31, 1780, and Antonio Gil Ybarbo to B. de Gálvez, Nov. 1, 1780, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed.
Kinnaird, 1:389–91.
62. De Mézières to Croix, Apr. 19 and Nov. 15, 1778, and Teodoro de Croix, “Summary of the notices . . . ,” Sep. 21, 1778, ADM, 2:212, 226, 229; Cabello to Croix, Feb. 12, July 4, Aug. 17, Sep.
19, Oct. 20, Nov. 17, 20, and 30, and Dec. 6, 1780, BA 13:911–13, 14:286–87, 370–76, 486–90, 613–
22, 699–703, 709, 719–20; Cabello to Vaugine, Oct. 31, 1780, and Qui Te Sain to B. de Gálvez, Nov. 4, 1780, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed. Kinnaird, 1:389, 392; Croix, “General Report,” 74–89; Vial and Chavez, Diary, 51; Kelly F. Himmel, The Conquest of the Karankawas and Tonkawas, 1821–1859 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999), 15–16; and Rollings, Osage, 150–52.
63. Oakah L. Jones, Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979), 46–47; and Croix, “General Report,” 74, 77, 83, 97 (quotes are from pp. 74, 77, 97).
64. For livestock drives, see Cabello to Croix, July 10, 1780, BA 14:294–97; and Jack Jackson, Los Mesteños: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721–1821 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1986), 209–11. For continuing demand for stolen horses and mules in Louisiana, see, e.g., Cabello to Pedro Piernas, Jan. 13, 1783, and Cabello to B. de Gálvez, Dec. 15, 1783, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed. Kinnaird, 2:69–70, 94.
65. De Mézières to Croix, Apr. 18, 1778, and Croix to J. de Gálvez, Sep. 23, 1778, ADM, 2:206, 221–
22.
66. For eastern Comanche realm in the early 1780s, see Cabello, Responses, BA 17:418–19. For Comanche-Taovaya relations, see Cabello to Vaugine, Oct. 31, 1780, and Ybarbo to B. de Gálvez,
Notes to Pages 102–104
389
Nov. 1, 1780, in Spain in the Mississippi Valley, ed. Kinnaird, 1:389–91; Croix, “General Report,”
75–80; and Cabello to Croix, Aug. 17, 1780, BA 14:370–73. For the hiatus in raiding and fear in Texas, see Odie B. Faulk, The Last Years of Spanish Texas, 1778–1821 (London: Mouton, 1964), 63–64; Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History: An Ethnohistorical Perspective (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), 95; and John, Storms, 632–33, 641–43.
67. For bison numbers, see William R. Brown, Jr., “Comancheria Demography, 1805–1830,”
Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 59 (1986): 9–11; and Dan Flores, “Bison Ecology and Bison Diplomacy: The Southern Plains from 1800 to 1850,” JAH 78 (Sep. 1991): 470–71. For a ground-breaking study of the dangers of specialized hunting on the Great Plains, see Andrew C. Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), esp. 63–92. For the concept of a dietary safety net, see William Cronon and Richard White, “Indians in the Land: A Conversation between William Cronon and Richard White,” American Heritage 37 (Aug./Sep. 1986): 21.
68. Gaignard, “Journal,” 94. Nicolas Ortiz toured among the western Kotsotekas and Jupes in 1786, counting seven hundred lodges with an average of eleven people in each, a total of some eight thousand people. Spaniards knew less about the third western Comanche division, the Yamparikas, but a 1786 report estimated that the western Comanches comprised about eighteen hundred lodges, which translates into an approximate total population of eighteen thousand. See Nicolas Ortiz to Anza, May 20, 1786, and “List of Comanches Who Came to Make Peace in New Mexico, 1786,” FF, 323, 325–27. For mid-1780s figures for eastern Comanches, see Vial and Chavez, Diary, 37–38, 49. Vial and Chavez also gave an estimate for the western Comanches. In 1785, describing the post-epidemic situation in Comanchería, they noted that the western Comanches were “twice as numerous” as the eastern Comanches, suggesting a total western Comanche population of sixteen thousand. The New Mexico population was between seventeen and eighteen thousand in the 1770s, and the Texas population was estimated at thirty-seven hundred in the 1790. See Frank, From Settler to Citizen, 47–48; and Jesús F. de la Teja, “Spanish Colonial Texas,” in New Views of Borderlands History, ed. Robert H. Jackson (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 127.
69. Quotes are from Bucareli to Mendinueta, Feb. 8, 1775, PINM, 178; Domínguez, Missions, 251; and de Mézières, “Official Relation,” 219. Also see Francisco Marín del Valle, Description of the Province of New Mexico, 1758, AGN:CA 39:1, 21V; Cachupín to Juan Francisco de Güemes y Horcasitas, conde de Revillagigedo I, Mar. 8, 1750, PT, 3:328; Revillagigedo I to marqués de Ensenada, June 28, 1753, PINM, 111–12; and Mendinueta to the viceroy, May 11, 1771, cited in Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, 393. For modern scholarly interpretations, see E. Adamson Hoebel, The Political Organization and Law-Ways of the Comanche Indians, American Anthropological Association Memoir 54 (Menasha, Wis.: American Anthropological Association, 1940); T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People (New York: Da Capo, 1974), 185; and John, Storms, 307–8.
70. “Extract of reports from the kingdom of New Mexico between September 17 and November 9 of the past year [1769],” PINM, 167; and Anza, “Diary,” 135–36.
71. For an excellent analysis of Comanche political culture before the reservation period, see Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 28–62.
72. Quote is from Anza, “Diary,” 135–36. It is possible that the elder Cuerno Verde was killed by Spaniards in 1774 in the battle that inspired one version of “Los Comanches.” See Frank, From
390
Notes to Pages 105–111
Settler to Citizen, 63. Thomas Kavanagh, in contrast, believes that a Comanche chief who wore a headdress with green horns and was killed by Spaniards in 1768 near Ojo Caliente may have been Cuerno Verde the elder. See Kavanagh, “Los Comanches,” 27–29.
73. Vial and Chavez, Diary, 33–39; and Cabello, Responses, 1786, BA 17:419.
74. Tellingly, Spaniards did not begin to distinguish between different Comanche divisions until the 1770s. See “Council of War, Chihuahua, June 9–15, 1778,” PINM, 201.
75. Vial and Chavez, Diary, 50; Cabello, Responses, BA 17:418; and Hämäläinen, “Western Comanche Trade Center,” 493–94.
76. Hämäläinen, “Western Comanche Trade Center,” 494; and Miró to Rengel, Dec. 12, 1785, in Before Lewis and Clark, ed. Nasatir, 1:127.
C H A P T E R 3 . T H E E M B R A C E
1. Pedro Garrido y Duran, “An account of the events which have occurred in the provinces of New Mexico concerning peace conceded to the Comanche nation and their reconciliation with the Utes since November 17 of last year and July of the current [1786],” FF, 300.
2. David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 215–65; Ross Frank, From Settler to Citizen: New Mexican Economic Development and the Creation of Vecino Society, 1750–1820 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 65–70, 76–132; and Alfred Barnaby Thomas, ed. and trans., Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier of New Spain, 1776–1783: From the Original Document in the Archives of the Indies, Seville (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1941), 40–68. Rubí did not submit the report of his 1766–68 inspection tour until 1770, and the crown codified his recommendations into new regulations for frontier presidios and defenses in 1772. That same year Carlos III appointed Hugo O’Connor as commanding inspector of the Interior Provinces and ordered him to implement the new regulations. The monumental endeavor, which faced fierce local resistance, took more than four years to complete.
3. Pedro Galindo y Navarro to Teodoro de Croix, July 28, 1780, Juan Bautista de Anza, “Diary of the Expedition . . . aga
inst the Comanche Nation . . . ,” Sep. 10, 1779, and Juan Bautista de Anza to Croix, Nov. 1, 1779, FF, 122–39 (quotes are from pp. 133, 135, 142); and Croix to Anza, July 14, 1780, SANM II 11:77–78 (T-799). For Anza, see Herbert E. Bolton, “Juan Bautista de Anza, Borderlands Frontiersman,” in Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands, ed. John Francis Bannon (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1964), 281–87. For Spanish views of the importance of Anza’s victory, see H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, trans., Three New Mexico Chronicles: The Exposición of Don Pedro Bautista Pino 1812; the Ojeada of Lic. Antonio Barreiro 1832; and the Additions by Don José Agustín de Escudero, 1849 (Albuquerque: Quivira Society, 1942), 131–32. For similar modern views, see, e.g., Gary Clayton Anderson, The Indian Southwest, 1580–1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), 212.
4. For Kiowa migrations, see Pekka Hämäläinen, “The Rise and Fall of Plains Indian Horse Cultures,” JAH (Dec. 2003): 839. For Comanche-Pawnee hostilities, see Francisco Xavier Ortiz to Anza, May 20, 1786, FF, 322; Fernando de la Concha to Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola, Sep. 7, 1790, SANM II 12:297 (T-1090); and Pedro Vial, “Diary of Pedro Vial from Santa Fe to St. Louis, May 21 to October 3, 1792,” PV, 400.
Notes to Pages 111–117
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5. For Kansas’s situation, see Manuel Perez to Esteban Rodriguez Miró, Nov. 8, 1791, and Zenon Trudeau to governor, Jan. 15, 1798, in Before Lewis and Clark: Documents Illustrating the History of the Missouri, 1785–1804, ed. A. P. Nasatir, 2 vols. (1952; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 1:149–50, 2:539; and Thomas F. Schilz and Jodye L. D. Schilz, “Beads, Bangles, and Buffalo Robes: The Rise and Fall of the Indian Fur Trade along the Missouri and Des Moines Rivers, 1700–1820,” Annals of Iowa 49 (Summer/Fall 1987): 10–11. For the collapse of Mississippi valley markets and its effects in Comanchería, see Pekka Hämäläinen, “The Western Comanche Trade Center: Rethinking the Plains Indian Trade System,” Western Historical Quarterly 29 (Winter 1998): 502–3. For shortages of trade goods in Comanchería in the mid-1780s, see Domingo Cabello y Robles, Responses Given by the Governor of the Province of Texas to Questions Put to Him by the Lord Commanding General of the Interior [Provinces] in an Official Letter of the 27th of January Concerning Various Conditions of the Eastern Comanches, Apr. 30, 1786, BA 17:418.
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