by Eugène Sue
CHAPTER XXIII.
TO THE WORKMAN THE TOOL.
The factory of implements of war, established by John Lebrenn in hisiron works, took the toil of twenty workmen. All--apprentices, old men,young men--vied with one another in patriotic ardor in theaccomplishment of their task. They felt that this was no ordinary labor.They were conscious of serving the Republic, and lavished their skill onthe arms destined for the patriots at the front. Accordingly, with whateagerness did not these artisans forge, beat, or file the iron, lightedhere by a smoky lamp against the wall, there by the reverberating glowof the furnace. The ringing cadence of the hammers on the anvils wasoften accompanied by the popular songs of the period chanted in chorusby the workmen's sturdy voices. Most oft it was the Marseillaise, theCarmagnole, or the famous _Ca Ira_, whose brief and rapid rythm seemedto beat the "Charge!"
Songs and labors both stopped short at the entrance of John Lebrenn.Castillon had notified the shop a few minutes before that 'friend John,'as they cordially called him, was coming to post them on the events ofthe coming day, and to supply the information of which they had for sometime been deprived.
"Citizens," said Castillon when he saw Lebrenn, "I rise to a motion! Inorder to lose as little time as possible, and in order to hear friendJohn without halting the work, let us set aside for an hour our hammersand files, and put in the time fitting or polishing our pieces. Thatwill make practically no noise, and in this way we shall not be idling,and still can hear friend John in comfort."
"The motion is carried!" cried the workmen. In a few moments the bustle,consequent on the change of occupations, was over, and silence fell onthe shop. John Lebrenn took his accustomed place, and speaking toseveral by name, thus addressed his companions:
"Brothers, we are on the eve of a great day, as beautiful, as decisive,as those of July 14 and August 10. This day will save, I hope, theRevolution, the Republic, and France, now more seriously threatened thanever. And moreover, it is also my firm hope that not a drop of bloodwill be shed. The law and the national Representatives will berespected, the people will know how to rise to the grandeur of itsmission and overcome its adversaries no longer by force of arms, but byits moral influence. My language surprises you, men of action that youare."
"My faith, yes, friend John. But after all, if one can win without afight, that is so much gained. It makes for peace."
"The victory will only be the purer for it. But, in order that you mayunderstand the significance of the events now on the threshold, we mustfirst take up those which have preceded. You know, my friends, and it isone of the greatest misfortunes of the times, that the Convention chosenby the people to proclaim the Republic and to arraign and judge LouisCapet has been, from the beginning of its existence, divided by partyrivalries. The party leaders, the Mountainists, the Moderates, or theGirondins, are all more or less guilty of the same fault, I ought to saythe same crime; for, forgetting the public weal, or confounding it withtheir own personalities, they have lost precious time reciprocallyaccusing one another of treason. Thus Capet's trial was dragged out overfour months. The new Constitution is hardly drafted. National educationis as yet but a project. Finally, if they have accepted the compulsorytax of a thousand million on the rich, and have established a maximum ofwealth, we still await the laws to complete the emancipation of theproletariat by decreeing the right to the common possession of theinstruments of production, for all citizens, male and female."
"We agree with you, friend John. The bourgeoisie has gotten its part ofthe Revolution, namely, justice; but Jacques Bonhomme has still the halfof his to get. He has won political rights, universal suffrage, and theRepublic--that is good, it is something, but it is not all. One must eatto live, and in order to eat one must have at his disposal either workor the tool with which to produce the necessaries of life. To thepeasant the land, to the workman the tool. To each his part in thecommon property."
"Whose the fault, my friends, if our legitimate hopes have not beenfulfilled?"
"By my pipe, friend John, the fault is in the delays of the Convention;that is clear as day."
"Whence it follows, that if we had chosen better Representatives wewould never have had to suffer the delays which now bear so harmfullyupon us. If the Convention has not up to now completed the emancipationof us proletarians, the fault lies with our lack of discernment inchoosing our Representatives. You follow my reasoning? Now let us cometo the conclusion."
"In fact, that is true enough, friend John. But, after all, if we made abad choice, on whom can it be blamed?"
"On our inexperience, my friends; an inexperience entirely natural, forwe are still _apprentices_ in the exercise of our political rights. Butexperience will teach us how to serve ourselves better with thesovereign instrument over which we dispose; we shall obtain by the votesof our Representatives everything that we can legitimately claim anddemand. Are we proletarians not, after all, the vast majority of thecountry? Let us then know how to make a better choice for the Assemblywhich will succeed the Convention, and our freedom will be complete.Does that mean, however, that the Convention does not count within itsranks some true friends of the people? That would be a slander on it;but these, Robespierre, St. Just, Danton and the other Jacobins, areunfortunately in the minority. The Girondins, who control the majority,are incapable of dissipating the perils which now stare the Republic inthe face."
"An idea, friend John! How if we invited the Girondins to take a littlevisit down there to see how their friends Pitt and Coburg were gettingalong? If they don't accept, we march in force upon the Convention, sortthe goats from the sheep, purge the flock of the goats, and then--.Stern diseases need stern remedies!"
"Then, my friend Castillon, the sovereignty of the people one andindivisible would be violated in the person of its GirondistRepresentatives. For these, no less than the Mountainists, are sacred byvirtue of their popular election. Their inviolability covers them solong as there exists against them no proof of overt treason. We shallnot step out of the just path. What must be done to save the Republicwithout violence, without illegality, without an assault on thesovereignty of the people, is to obtain from the Girondins, voluntarily,an abandonment of their power to the Jacobins."
"But how can that be done?"
"By using our right of assemblage and petition, by making the Conventionhear the voice of the people, of Paris, and of all France. And, I callGod to witness, that voice will be heard! The most refractory of ourRepresentatives will be forced to obey."
"Bravo! Tell us some more!"
"Here, comrades, is what occurred yesterday, May 29. The Section of theCite, through the organ of its president Dobsen, issued an appeal to theother forty-seven Sections of Paris, inviting them each to send twodelegates to the electoral club sitting at the Bishopric. Thesedelegates, clad by the Sections with full power for the common safety,are to act in concert. The call of the Cite has been heeded, and to-daythese ninety-six commissioners of the Sections have named a superiorcommittee of nine. This committee has resolved as follows:
"To-morrow, in order to establish the legality of the power with whichthe Sections have invested it, the committee will repair to the CityHall, declare its powers, and dismiss (but only for form's sake) theMunicipal Council, whose authority exists only at the will of theSections. This done, the Municipal Council will be reinstated in itsfunctions, as it is composed of good patriots. The directorate of thedepartment, on its part, being with the Sections, will call upon theofficers of the Commune to assemble at the City Hall to-morrow and meetwith the Municipal Council to the end of consulting, if need be, onmatters of general security. Thus, to-morrow, at daybreak, all theSections will assemble, with their cannon; that is to say, all Pariswill be afoot, armed, not to fight, but to demonstrate, calm anddignifiedly, garbed imposingly in its power and sovereignty."
"I understand, friend John, that the ex-nobles still carry, even intranquil times, their rapiers at their sides. It is 'part of theircostume,' they say. Well, by my pipe, on the
se grand occasions, andwithout meaning to fight, the people shall put on _its_ Sunday best, andmarch with pike-staves and cannon! That will be its ceremonial costume!"
"You have said it, friend Castillon. The ex-gentleman is not completewithout his sword beside him--it is his symbol of oppression. Thepatriot is not complete without the pike in his hand, his symbol ofresistance to oppression. To-morrow, then, when the Sections arepeacefully assembled, in their ceremonial costume, as you said,Castillon, Citizen Rousselin, the spokesman of the deputation of theforty-eight Sections of Paris, and L'Huillier, in the name of thedirectorate of the department of Paris, will read at the bar of theConvention the petitions borne by the delegates of the Sections."
"Now, friend John, I understand the affair," returned Castillon. "We gosay to the Girondins: 'Look you, citizens, we are here, a hundredthousand good patriots of Paris; and down there, in the country, otherhundreds of thousands of good patriots, all convinced, like us, that youhave not enough hair on your eyebrows to save the Republic. That issettled! We have the numbers, the force and the cannon for you, butthese numbers, this force, these cannon we do not want to use. Only wesay to you, in the name of the country: Citizen Girondins, when yourloins are not strong enough to bear the burden, leave it to others morerobust. Come, make yourselves scarce!'"
"You speak words of gold, my good Castillon. Yes, in all probability,such will be the consequences of to-morrow's program. The majority ofthe Convention--a majority which is often vacillating and undecided, butwhich has so far supported the Girondins--will, struck with thisimposing manifestation, this calm, dignified, legal attitude of thepeople, and yielding to the pressure of public opinion, throw off theGirondin influence which dominates it, and join forces with theJacobins, who will thus become masters of the situation. Then, myfriends, be sure of it, whatever the allied monarchs of Europe may do,whatever the plots of the royalists and priests, the Republic, theRevolution, France, will be saved without the sovereignty of the peoplehaving been violated in the person of a single one of itsRepresentatives in the Commune or the Convention, even of those mostopposed to new ideas; and without the stigma of bloodshed."
All at once John Lebrenn's wife dashed into the workshop. She was paleand trembling, and called in tones of terror:
"John, my friend, come at once! What a misfortune!"
"Charlotte, you frighten me," cried Lebrenn, hastening to his wife'sside. "Heavens, what has happened?"
"Come, come, in haste."
"Citizeness Lebrenn, do you need us?" called Castillon, as much moved ashis comrades at the anxiety depicted on the young woman's face."Speak--here we are, at your service."
"Thank you all, my friends, thank you. Alas! There is no remedy for thegrief which has smitten us," replied Charlotte. And taking the arm ofher husband, who grew every instant more uneasy, she dragged him out ofthe shop and towards their dwelling.
