Each hexagram is followed by two texts, namely (1) the kua-tz’u or the explanation of the text of the whole hexagram and (2) the yao-tz’u or the explanation of the component lines. The commentaries number seven. First is (3) the tuan-chuan or the commentary on (1) and then there is (4) the hsiang or abstract meaning of (1) and (2). For the first two hexagrams (the ch’ien or Heaven and k’un or Earth), there are in addition (5) the wen-yen or commentary on the first two texts to stress their philosophical or ethical meaning. Following these sixty-four hexagrams and their discussions, there are (6) the hsi-tz’u or the appended remarks, (7) the remarks on certain trigrams, (8) the remarks on the order of the hexagrams, and (9) the random remarks on the hexagrams. Nos. 3, 4, and 6, each in two parts, and nos. 5, 7, 8, and 9 form the “ten wings” of the book.
The most important parts are the texts (1 and 2) and discussions (5) on the first two hexagrams, the appended remarks (6), and the remarks on the trigrams (7). It is here that much of Chinese philosophical speculation has been based.
Tradition has ascribed the Eight Trigrams to legendary Fu-hsi, the sixty-four hexagrams to King Wen (r. 1171–1122 b.c.), the two texts (1 and 2) to him or Duke Chou (d. 1094 b.c.) and the “ten wings” to Confucius. Most modern scholars have rejected this attribution, but they are not agreed on when and by whom the book was produced. Most probably it is a product of many hands over a long period of time, from the fifth or sixth century b.c. to the third or fourth century b.c.
For English translations, see Bibliography.
2--Ch. 26.
3--This interpretation follows Wang Pi’s (226-249) commentary in the Thirteen Classics Series.
4--This does not refer to the understanding of any sage or holy man, as Legge, Yi King, p. 213, and Richard Wilhelm, I Ching, vol. 2, p. 3 have it, but to the operation of the Principle of Nature. See subcommentary by K’ung Ying-ta (574-648), Chou-i cheng-i (Correct Meanings of the Book of Changes), ch. 1, in the Thirteen Classics Series.
5--See above, n. 1. Since the hexagram consists of two trigrams, it therefore consists of six lines in their six positions.
6--This word is not to be interpreted in the ordinary sense of reverence, which assumes an object. See Appendix.
7--Many commentators have taken this to mean the Book of Changes.
8--According to Han K’ang-po (of Chin, 265-420), the foregoing descriptions refer to spirit, whereas K’ung Ying-ta thought they refer to the sage. See the Chou-i cheng-i. Sun Hsing-yen (1753-1818), in his Chou-i chi-chieh (Collected Explanations of the Book of Changes), supports Han K’ang-po.
9--See below, ch. 30, B, 10, 11, 31, 56; ch. 32, sec. 65, 70, 73, 78; ch. 34, B, 130-133.
10--Variously rendered as benevolence, love, human-hearted, etc.
11--The word hsien here does not mean few, as all translators have understood it, but means to the fullest extent. See Sun Hsing-yen, Chou-i chi-chieh.
12--Ch. 2.
13--See below, pp. 558, 693, 752, 760.
14--Literally an implement, a utensil, a particular thing. For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.
15--About this translation, see Appendix, comment on Hsing-erh-shang.
16--Traditionally identified as Confucius.
17--See comment on it on p. 184.
18--This is open to various interpretations. The interpretation by Wang Su (195-256) is adopted here. See Sun Hsing-yen, Chou-i chi-chieh.
19--Mencius, 7A:1.
YIN YANG CONFUCIANISM: TUNG CHUNG-SHU
1--See above, ch. 11, sec. 1.
2--“The Natural Law in the Chinese Tradition,” in Natural Law Institute Proceedings, vol. 5, p. 148.
3--According to the Ch’ien-Han shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty, 206 b.c.–a.d. 8), ch. 56, Tung devoted himself to the Spring and Autumn Annals in his youth. In 140, 136, or 134 b.c. he was the top scholar commanded to answer questions by Emperor Wu (r. 140–87 b.c.). It was largely through his influence that non-Confucian scholars were dismissed from the government and Confucianism was made state dogma by Emperor Wu. In 140 b.c. Tung was appointed chief minister to a prince. Because he applied his belief in portents to governmental measures, he was attacked and dismissed. Later he was chief minister to another prince. At old age he retired to write.
4--The Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals) consists of eighty-two short essays on philosophical and political subjects. For a French translation of chs. 44 and 74 see Bibliography. The word lu is often translated literally as “dew.” According to one interpretation, fan-lu means luxuriant dew, that is, the richness of meaning in Confucius’ Spring and Autumn Annals. But the more common interpretation is that of gems hanging down from a cap, symbolizing the connecting links between the use of terms in the Classic and the event it describes. For the Spring and Autumn Annals, see above, ch. 1, n.6.
5--The character of nature, hsing, contains as its chief component the character for “birth,” sheng, to produce, to create. Furthermore, they sound very much alike. In the Chinese language two words pronounced the same or very much alike often connote each other. It is not to be dismissed simply as a pun.
6--According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, five meteorites fell in the state of Sung and six fishhawks flew backward over its capital in the 16th year of Duke Hsi (642 b.c.). See Legge, trans., Ch’un Ts’ew, p. 170. The Kung-yang Commentary explains why the number is given first in the one case but last in the other.
7--Analects, 13:3.
8--Hsin and jen were pronounced much alike.
9--Jen is often translated as love, goodness, benevolence, etc. For comments on translations of this term, see Appendix.
10--For Kao Tzu, see above, ch. 3, Mencius, 6A:1-6, and for Yang Hsuing, see below, ch. 15.
11--Another case of words pronounced alike with similar meaning.
12--The sentence is obscure.
13--See below, ch. 27, comment on sec. 1.
14--Read liu (six) as ta (great), according to Su Yü, Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu i-cheng (Textual Studies of the Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals).
15--See Mencius, 2A:6; 4B:19; 6A:7, 8.
16--The Three Bonds are those binding the ruler with the minister, the father with the son, and the husband with the wife.
17--According to Ling Shu, Ch’un-ch’iu fan-lu chu (Commentary on the Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals) Tung means the Six Relationships, namely, paternal uncles, brothers, fellow clansmen, maternal uncles, teachers, and friends.
18--Mencius spoke of the Four Beginnings: the feeling of commiseration is the beginning of love; the feeling of right and wrong, that of righteousness; the feeling of deference and compliance, that of propriety; and the feeling of shame and dislike, that of wisdom. Tung probably meant all eight of these.
19--The Mean, ch. 27.
20--Paraphrasing Analects, 7:25.
21--This reading follows the commentary by Lu Wen-ch’ao (1717-1795).
22--The Chinese believe heaven to be round and the earth to be square. Many of the comparisons between the human body and heavenly bodies are found in the Huai-nan Tzu (late 2nd cent, b.c.), ch. 7, sppy, 7:2a-b. See Morgan, trans., Tao, The Great Luminant, pp. 59-60. They are also found in the apocryphal literature of Tung Chung-shu’s time or shortly afterward. Evidently they were commonly held at the time.
23--Heart, liver, stomach, lungs, and kidneys.
24--As Hsün Tzu has said. See Hsün Tzu, ch. 27, sptk, 19:23a.
25--Paraphrasing Lü-shih ch’un-chiu (Mr. Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals), ch. 20, sec. 4, sppy, 20:7b.
26--The doctrine is taught in The Mean, ch. 24.
27--Paraphrasing Lao Tzu, ch. 30.
28--Paraphrasing Huai-nan Tzu, ch. 6, sppy, 6:2b.
29--Shang-shu ta-chuan (Great Commentary on the Book of History), attributed to Fu Sheng (fl. 220 b.c.), 2:1b.
30--Confucius, in writing the Spring and Autumn Annals, began with the first year (yüan, first) of each ruler.
> 31--The two different Chinese characters are pronounced the same and have similar meanings.
32--As The Mean, ch. 20, says, “Humanity is the distinguishing characteristic of man.”
33--The word “righteousness” (i) contains the component wo, which means the self.
34--Mo Tzu, chs. 40 and 42, sptk, 10:1a, 6b.
35--Chuang Tzu, ch. 12, nhcc, 5:2b. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed.,
36--Hsün Tzu, ch. 27, sptk, 19:5a.
37--Han Fei Tzu, ch. 20, sptk, 6:1a. See Liao, trans., Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu, vol. 1, p. 171.
38--T’ang (r. 1751–1739 b.c.) was the founder of the Shang (1751–1112 b.c.) and Wu was the founder of the Chou (1111–249 b.c.).
39--They were responsible for the fall of the Hsia (2183–1752 b.c.?) and Shang dynasties, respectively.
40--See below, ch. 39, sec. 3.
41--San-cheng in Chinese. It is also called san-t’ung, Three Systems, t’ung meaning a system which is based on a certain correct principle that integrates and directs all things within it. For this doctrine in K’ang Yu-wei, see below, ch. 39, sec. 1.
42--According to Lu Wen-ch’ao, these words are missing from the text.
TAOISTIC CONFUCIANISM: YANG HSIUNG
1--For details of his life, see Ch’ien-Han shu (History of the Former Han Dynasty, 206 b.c.–a.d. 8), ch. 87.
2--The Fa-yen consists of questions and answers on ethics, history, and other typically Confucian subjects, and to this extent is an imitation of the Analects. But, unlike the classic, it has thirteen chapters devoted to thirteen subjects. For translations, see Bibliography. The T’ai-hsüan ching is made up of fifteen essays and is an imitation of the Book of Changes in form. There is no European translation so far.
3--Literally, a horse.
4--See below, ch. 16, A.
5--So said Mencius. See Mencius, 2B:13.
6--Legendary sage-emperor (3rd millennium b.c.).
7--Yao’s successor.
8--Founder of the Hsia dynasty (r. 2183–2175 b.c.?).
9--Founder of the Chou dynasty (r. 1171–1122 b.c.).
10--King Wen’s son (r. 1121–1116 b.c.).
11--Younger brother of King Wu, who died in 1094 b.c.
12--Founder of the Shang dynasty (r. 1751–1739 b.c.?).
13--This interpretation follows the commentary by Li Kuei (of Eastern Chin, 317-420). The text merely says “thousand one” and can mean that a sage may appear in a thousand years or in one year.
14--Both punctuation and interpretation of this sentence follow the commentary by Fan Weng (of Chin, 265-420).
THE NATURALISM OF WANG CH’UNG
1--An orphan, Wang started school at the age of eight. After studying at the national university in the national capital, he returned home to teach. Later he served successively as a district officer, a prefect officer in charge of educational and ceremonial affairs, and an assistant to an inspecting censor. Eventually he resigned and went home. See Lun-heng, ch. 85.
2--This consists of eighty-four chapters in thirty books. Most chapters are devoted to an attack on current beliefs. There are special chapters criticizing Confucius, Mencius, and Han Fei Tzu (d. 233 b.c.). For translation, see Bibliography. Most people, emphasizing Wang’s critical spirit, have translated lun-heng as “critical essays,” but by Wang’s own words (ch. 30), his work aimed at a “balanced (or fair) discussion.”
3--He was a pupil of a Confucian pupil. His book in twenty-one chapters is no longer extant, though fragments have survived.
4--The word “nature” is added according to Kao Su-yüan, Lun-heng, 1935, p. 17. Huang Hui, however, does not think so. See his Lun-heng chiao-shih (Balanced Inquiries Collected and Annotated), 1938, p. 124.
5--The first two were Confucius’ pupils and the latter was pupil of a pupil. Their works disappeared long ago. though fragments of Mi’s have survived.
6--Mencius, 6A:l-7.
7-- R. 1175–1112 b.c. Chinese historians have held him responsible for the fall of the Shang dynasty (1751–1112 b.c.).
8--Mencius, 6A: 1-6.
9--Analects, 17:2.
10--ibid., 17:3.
11--Hsün Tzu, ch. 23.
12--Legendary emperor (3rd millennium b.c.).
13--These stories are found in the Shih chi (Records of the Historian), pnp, 4: 1b and 47:2a. For Chi, see Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques, vol. 1, 210.
14--These words are not found in Tung’s extant works; cf. above, ch. 14, A.
15--His name was Hsiang. He was a high governmental official and the author of many works, including the Hsin-hsü (New Narrations) and Shuo-yüan (Collection of Discourses). But the quotation is not found in his extant works.
16--See above, ch. 15.
17--Perhaps he was the one whom Kao Tzu referred to. See Mencius, 6A:6.
18--See comment on Han Yü’s theory, ch. 27, sec. 1.
19--This word means variously material force or energy, vital force, power, breath, and so forth and has to be translated variously. For a discussion on it, see Appendix.
20--The text has the word “no” before “action.” As Sun Jen-ho suggested, it is superfluous. See his Lun-heng chü-cheng (Balanced Inquiries Corrected), 1924, p. 156.
21--Referring to the story in Mencius, 2A:2.
22--See Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 2: History of Scientific Thought, pp. 371, 528.
23--Additions according to Huang Hui, Lun-heng chiao-shih, p. 869. For a discussion of kuei-shen, see Appendix.
24--Hui, ordinarily meaning wisdom, here means understanding.
25--Leslie, in his “Contribution to a New Translation of the Lun Heng,” T’oung Pao, 44 (1956), p. 128, says tung-i-shih means “the same kind” and thinks Forke is wrong in translating it as “the nature of both is the same.” Actually Forke’s “nature” is closer to the meaning of shih (reality) whereas Leslie’s “kind” is not.
26--Liu P’an-sui is correct in this understanding. See Liu’s Lun-heng chi-chieh (Collected Explanations of the Balanced Inquiries), 1932, p. 19.
THE TAOISM OF HUAI-NAN TZU
1--The Huai-nan Tzu is a lengthy work of twenty-one long chapters on metaphysics, astronomy, government, military strategy, etc. Morgan’s translation is both incomplete and inaccurate.
2--The term wei-shih merely means there has not been, and does not mean anterior to a beginning.
3--Interpretation according to Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832), Tu-shu tsa-chih (Miscellaneous Notes from Reading), 1933 ed., bk. 12, p. 58.
4--Interpretation according to Liu Wen-tien, Huai-nan hung-lieh chi-chieh (Collected Commentaries on the Huai-nan Tzu), 1926, vol. 2, p. 1a.
5--This is the understanding of Kao Yu’s (fl. 205) commentary.
6--Literally, to fall [upon the earth].
7--The Great Universal is Tao, according to Kao Yu. The term, ta-t’ung, comes from Chuang Tzu, ch. 6, nhcc, 3:26b. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 85.
8--There is no need to change chien (space) to wen (to ask) in order to conform to the story of Light asking Non-being in Chuang Tzu, ch. 22, nhcc, 7:53B, Giles, p. 217, as suggested by Ch’en Kuan-lou, quoted in Wang Nien-sun, Tu-shu tsa-chih, ibid., p. 76.
9--Chuang Tzu, ch. 2, nhcc, 1:33b. See Giles, p. 41.
10--Huai-nan Wang shu (On Huai-nan Tzu), 1934, pp. 26-27.
11--Read chao (light) as shih (beginning), according to Wang Nien-sun, ibid., p. 89.
12--According to Kao Yu, yü-chou (universe) means space (yü) and time (chou).
13--Instead of translating the Chinese phrase as “having limits” as practically all other translators have done, I have followed Kao Yu’s interpretation.
14--Ching means material force, according to Kao Yu.
15--Read chi (system) as hsing (form), according to Wang Nien-sun, ibid., bk. 13, p. 47. See also Liu Chia-li, Huai-nan chi-cheng (Collected Textual Commentaries on the Huai-nan Tzu), 1924, 8:6a.
NEGATIVE TAOISM IN THE LIEH TZU AND THE “YANG
CHU CHAPTER”
1--This book, sptk, called Ch’ung-hsü chih-te chen-ching (Pure Classic of the Perfect Virtue of Simplicity and Vacuity), is in eight chapters. Since the majority of its material came from other books, chiefly the Chuang Tzu, obviously it cannot have been the original work of Lieh Tzu, which was lost in the second century b.c. For the same reason, the seventh chapter, entitled “Yang Chu,” cannot be the work of Yang Chu. It was probably a separate work from the Lieh Tzu and somehow got included in it. In both cases, however, some original teachings of the two philosophers have been incorporated. For example, the “Yang Chu” briefly discusses the problem of names and actualities. As Hu Shih (1891-1962) has pointed out, this is a common topic of discussion during the Warring States period (403–222 b.c.) but not in later times. (See his Chung-kuo che-hsüeh shih ta-kang, or Outline of the History of Chinese Philosophy, 1919, p. 176.) For translations, see Bibliography.
2--Mencius, 7A:26.
3--ibid., 3B:9.
4--See Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu (Mr. Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals), ch. 17, sec. 6, sppy, 17: 16a, and Huai-nan Tzu, ch. 13, sppy, 13:7b. See Morgan, trans., Tao, The Great Luminant, p. 155.
5--According to the Huai-nan Tzu, ibid., Yang Chu would not injure the nature with material desires.
6--Shun (to follow) and shen (to care) were interchangeable.
7--This is the interpretation of Chang Chan (fl. 310). See his commentary on the Lieh Tzu.
8--Legendary rulers (3rd millennium b.c.).
9--R. 1802–1752 b.c.(?). He caused the downfall of the Hsia dynasty (2183–1752 b.c.?).
10--R. 1175–1112 b.c. He caused the downfall of the Shang dynasty (1751–1112 b.c.).
11--A feudal lord at the time of Emperor Yao.
12--For the legend, see Chuang Tzu, ch. 12, nhcc, 5:7b-8a. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed„ p. 121.
A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy Page 105