Li Ao’s courtesy name was Hsi-chih and his posthumous title was also Wen. He held a “presented scholar” degree and rose to be a professor at the directorate of education. Later he served as divisional chief, censor, and vice-minister in the ministry of justice and then in the ministry of revenues and population.
For more information on the two men, see the Hsin-T’ang shu (New History of the T’ang Dynasty, 618-907), chs. 176-177.
3--Compare this with Kao Tzu’s theory. See Mencius, 6A:l-6.
4--These five are the traditional Five Constant Virtues. Other editions have them in the usual order: humanity, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness. The commentary says that the present propriety and faithfulness are nearer to humanity than righteousness and wisdom. Chu Hsi (1130-1200) thought that this is correct, and added that Han Yü often liked to be different. See commentary on the Han Ch’ang-li ch’üan-chi (Complete Works of Han Yü). It was carefully collated by Chu Hsi and contains Chu’s as well as other people’s comments.
5--According to Chu Hsi, the meaning here is one of the five, not the first of the five.
6--This is Chu Hsi’s interpretation.
7--See Mencius, 6A:6; Hsün Tzu, ch. 23. For Yang Hsiung’s doctrine, see above, ch. 15.
8--For this story, see Kuo-yü (Conversations of the States), ch. 14, sppy, 14:3a. See de Harlez, trans., Kuoe-yü, pt. 2, p. 152.
9--Pronunciation according to the commentary.
10--See Tso chuan (Tso’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), Duke Chao, 28th year. See Legge, trans., Ch’un Ts’ew, p. 727.
11--ibid., Duke Hsüan, 4th year. See Legge, p. 296.
12--Odes, no. 245.
13--See Kuo-yü, ch. 10, sppy, 10:19a. Cf. de Harlez, trans., Kuoe yü, p. 120. King Wen (r. 1171–1122 b.c.) was the founder of the Chou dynasty.
14--Yao and Shun were legendary sage-emperors (3rd millennium b.c.).
15--Founder of the Hsia dynasty (r. 2183–2175 b.c.?).
16--See above, ch. 2, comment on Analects, 17:3.
17--Shen-chien (A Mirror Extensively Used), ch. 5, sppy, 5:2b.
18--Ch. 5, tsd, 31:23. See La Vallée Poussin, trans., le siddhi de Hsüan Tsang, p. 265.
19--See above, ch. 16, A.
20--Ch. 3, sppy, 3:3a.
21--Ch. 7. See Makre, trans., Hsiao King, p. 7.
22--Chung lun (A Treatise on the Mean), ch. 9, sptk, 1:34a.
23--See above, ch. 3, comment on Mencius, Additional Selections, 3B:9 on the question of love with distinctions versus universal love.
24--The text of the Great Learning.
25--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 389.
26--Commentary on hexagram no. 1, ch’ien (Heaven). Cf. Legge, p. 410.
27--No. 297. See above, ch. 2, n.30.
28--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 1. Cf. Legge, p. 380.
29--Ch. 21.
30--See n.28.
31--This refers to Yen Hui, Confucius’ favorite pupil. See “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, pp. 392-393.
32--Commentary on hexagram no. 24, fu (to return). Cf. Legge, p. 108.
33--The text.
34--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 10. Cf. Legge, p. 370.
35--Paraphrasing the text of the Great Learning.
36--Chuang Tzu, chs. 16 and 4, respectively, nhcc, 6:5b, 8a, and 2:13a, respectively. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., pp. 156-157 and 54, respectively.
37--ibid., ch. 13, nhcc, 5:24a-b. See Giles, pp. 132-133.
38--Mencius, 2A:2.
39--The Mean, ch. 20.
THE NEO-CONFUCIAN METAPHYSICS AND ETHICS IN CHOU TUN-I
1--Also pronounced Chou Lien-ch’i.
2--Lao Tzu, ch. 28; also Chuang Tzu, ch. 11, nhcc, 4:36a, Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 112.
3--For this book, see above, ch. 13, n.1.
4--See below, ch. 32, sec. 75.
5--Chs. 16, 20-26, 32.
6--Notably by Huang Tsung-hsi (1610-1695) and Huang Kan (Huang Mien-chai, 1152-1221). See Huang Tsung-hsi et at., Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an (Anthology and Critical Accounts of the Neo-Confucianists of the Sung and Yüan Dynasties, 960-1368), sppy, 12:17a, 18a.
7--See below, ch. 31, secs. 18, 32, 46, 50; ch. 32, sec. 46.
8--Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an, sppy, 11:2a. Graham, in his Two Chinese Philosophers, pp. 152-175, argues that Chou had little influence on the Ch’eng brothers and should not be regarded as the founder of Neo-Confucianism. In view of what has been said, his statements like “The philosophy of the Ch’engs is not a development of that of Chou Tun-yi; it is based on quite different premises” (p. 162) are untenable. See my review of Graham’s book in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 79 (1959), p. 154.
9--I-shu (Surviving Works), 3:2a, in eccs.
10--ibid., 2A:2b, 7:1a, 3:1b; Ts’ui-yen (Pure Words), 2:13b, in eccs.
11--I-shu, 6:4a.
12--Chou had a busy official career. He was district keeper of records (1040), magistrate in various districts (1046-1054), prefectural staff supervisor (1056-1059), professor of the directorate of education and assistant prefect (1061-1064), among others. It was when he was assistant prefect that he built his study, “Stream of Waterfalls.” He resigned from his governmental position in 1072, the year before he died. See Sung shih (History of the Sung Dynasty, 960-1279), sptk, 427:2b-5a and Bruce, Chu Hsi and His Masters, pp. 18-24.
13--This short essay is found in many other collections and has been translated into several European languages. The diagram, of which the essay is an explanation, is not necessary for the understanding of the philosophical ideas in general or for the understanding of the essay in particular.
14--There are many editions. The Cheng-i-t’ang ch’üan-shu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) edition of 1869 has commentaries by Chu Hsi. That in the Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu (Complete Works of Chou Tun-i) contains comments by other Neo-Confucianist also. For a German version by Grube, see Bibliography. Other translations are: de Harlez, L’École philosophique moderne de la Chine, pp. 25-32 (partial); P. C. Hsü, Ethical Realism in Neo-Confucian Thought, Appendix, pp. i-iv (partial); and Chow Yih-Ching, La philosophic morale dans le Neo-Confucianisme, pp. 163-188. The Wan-yu wen-k’u (Universal Library) edition of the Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu is used here.
15--This insertion and that immediately following the sentence are Chou’s own annotations.
16--Changes, commentary on hexagram no. 1, ch’ien (Heaven). Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 417.
17--ibid., “Remarks on Certain Trigrams,” ch. 2. Cf. Legge, p. 423.
18--ibid., “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 353.
19--Hsiang-shan ch’üan-chi (Complete Works of Lu Hsiang-shan), sppy, 2:6a, 9a.
20--Chu Tzu yü-lei (Classified Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1876 ed., 94:2a-b.
21--Chu Tzu wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works of Chu Hsi), cttc, 36:8a-12a. For Chu Hsi’s and other comments on this controversy, see Sung-Yüan hsüen-an, sppy, 12:3a-9a.
22--See Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, 1937 ed., pp. 81 and 89. For other Neo-Confucianists’ discussions of the “Explanations,” see Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an, sppy, 12:1b-15a.
23--Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 24.
24--T’ung-shu, ch. 20.
25--Jung-ts’un T’ung-shu p’ien (Essay on Penetrating the Book of Changes) appended to the Chou Tzu T’ung-shu (Penetrating the Book of Changes by Master Chou), sppy, p. 2a.
26--Chs. 4, 5, 9, 16, 20.
27--Chs. 2, 31, 32.
28--This word means not only sincerity in the narrow sense, but also honesty, absence of fault, seriousness, being true to one’s true self, being true to the nature of being, actuality, realness.
29--Changes, commentary on hexagram no. 1, ch’ien. Cf. Legge, p. 213.
30--ibid.
31--ibid., “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, pp. 355-356.
32--Chu Hsi is followed in this interpretation.
See Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 124.
33--Analects, 12:1.
34--Cf. Mencius, 7B:25.
35--See Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, pp. 126-133.
36--See Chan, “The Neo-Confucian Solution of the Problem of Evil,” Studies Presented to Hu Shill on His Sixty-fifth Birthday, pp. 773-791.
37--See chs. 7 and 22.
38--Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan (Orthodox Transmission of Neo-Confucianism), 1880 ed., 1:9a.
39--Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 178.
40--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 10. Cf. Legge, p. 370.
41--Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 120.
42--Chu Tzu yü-lei, 94:32b.
43--History, “Great Norm.” Cf. Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 327.
44--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, Yi King, p. 392.
45--ibid.
46--I-yin was a minister who helped T’ang found the Shang dynasty (1751-1112 b.c.). T’ang’s grandson, T’ai-chia (r. 1738–1727 b.c.) was not a good ruler and banished I-yin. Yao and Shun were 3rd millennium b.c. legendary sages for Confucianists. For the story about I-yin, see History, “Charge to Yüeh,” pt. 3 (Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 262).
47--Confucius’ favorite pupil.
48--Analects, 6:2.
49--ibid., 6:5.
50--According to the commentary by Chu Hsi, the answer ends here, not earlier.
51--In his commentary Chu Hsi says, “Spirit does not leave physical form but is not restricted by it.”
52--Chu Hsi said, “There is tranquillity in activity and there is activity in tranquillity.”
53--See above, ch. 1, sec. 3.
54--Chu Hsi said that according to some, the word chung (middle) should read ch’eng (to complete).
55--Paraphrasing Lao Tzu, ch. 68.
56--Mencius, 7B:35.
57--Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 165.
58--See below, ch. 32, secs. 32 and 46.
59--Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, pp. 168-169.
60--ibid., p. 169. According to Lü Nan (1479-1542), the chapter is primarily intended to show that nature and destiny follow the same principle. See his Sung ssu-tzu ch’ao-shih (Excerpts from Four Masters of Sung, 960-1279, Explained), Hsi-yin-hsien ts’ung-shu (Hall of Being-Careful-with-Time Collection) ed., sec. on Master Chou, 1: 8a.
61--Chu Tzu yü-lei, 94:41b.
62--Analects, 6:9.
63--Chu Hsi thought that these words should be added to the text.
64--Chu Hsi (Chou Tzu ch’üan-shu, p. 172) thought the word ch’i (equal) is out of place or it means to be equal to the sage. But there is nothing wrong in accepting the word in its ordinary meaning “to equalize.” Is it because Chu Hsi did not want to associate Master Chou with Chuang Tzu’s doctrine of equality of things?
65--Confucius’ pupil, 542-480 b.c.
66--Mencius, 2A:8.
67--Chu Hsi is followed in this interpretation.
68--Literally “to recover.”
69--Tso chuan (Tso’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), Duke Hsiang, 25th year. See Legge trans., Ch’un Ts’ew, p. 517.
70--Analects, 7:8.
71--ibid., 17:19.
72--Books of History, Odes, Rites, and the Spring and Autumn Annals, besides the Book of Changes.
73--Hexagrams nos. 1, 41, and 42, respectively.
74--These phrases are from the sections on the three hexagrams. Cf. Legge, Yi King, pp. 317, 319, 410.
75--Read ch’i (that) as mo (none), according to Chu Hsi.
76--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 1. Cf. Legge, p. 380.
77--Hexagrams nos. 37, 38, 24, and 25, respectively.
78--ibid., commentary on hexagram no. 38, kuei. Ct. Legge, p. 243.
79--ibid., commentary on hexagram no. 25. wu-wang. Cf. Legge, p. 299.
80--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 8. Cf. Legge, p. 361.
81--Commentary on hexagram no. 6, sung. Cf. Legge, p. 69.
82--Commentary on hexagram no. 21, shih-ho. Cf. Legge, p. 230.
83--For this Classic, see above, ch. 1, n.6.
84--Hexagrams nos. 4 and 52, respectively.
85--ibid., commentary on hexagram no. 4, meng. Cf. Legge, p. 64.
86--ibid. Cf. Legge, p. 216.
87--ibid. Cf. Legge, p. 271.
88--ibid., commentary on hexagram no. 52, ken. Cf. Legge, p. 175.
THE NUMERICAL AND OBJECTIVE TENDENCIES IN SHAO YUNG
1--The Chin-ssu lu (Reflections on Things at Hand) contains selections from the works of the other four but not Shao. The other anthologies are: the Hsing-li ta-ch-üan (Great Collection of Neo-Confucianism) compiled by Hu Kuang (1370-1418) et al., 1405; Sun Ch’i-feng (1584-1675), Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan (Orthodox Transmission of Neo-Confucianism), 1666; and the Hsing-li ching-i (Essentials of Neo-Confucianism), compiled by Li Kuang-ti (1642-1718), 1717. In the Sheng-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan (Orthodox Transmission of the Doctrine of the Sage), compiled by Chou Ju-teng (1547-1629), 1605, however, Shao Yung is included and comes before Chang Tsai. Chou belonged to the idealistic school of Neo-Confucianism, that of Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529), which is directly opposed to the rationalistic school of Chu Hsi. Also in the Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an (Anthology and Critical Accounts of the Neo-Confucianists of the Sung and Yüan Dynasties, 960-1368), compiled by Huang Tsung-hsi (1610-1695) et al., Shao precedes Chang. Huang also belonged to the Wang Yang-ming school.
2--For example, in the Tao-t’ung lu (Record of the Transmission of the Way) by Chang Po-hsing (1651-1725), Chou, the Ch’engs, Chang, and Chu are included but not Shao. Chang Po-hsing was an ardent follower of Chu Hsi.
3--Shang-ts’ai yü-lu (Recorded Sayings of Hsieh Liang-tso), Cheng-i-t’ang ch’üan-shu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) ed., pt. 1, 8a. Ch’eng Hao also said that Shao’s philosophy was “castle in the air.” I-shu (Surviving Works), 7:1b, in eccs.
4--According to the Sung shih (History of the Sung Dynasty, 960-1279), pnp, 427:18b-21b, Shao learned from Li Chih-ts’ai, a magistrate from Pei-hai in modern Shantung, certain diagrams connected with the Book of Changes, out of which Shao’s theory of diagrams and numbers evolved. Li learned them from the Taoist Ch’en T’uan (c. 906-989). Shao supported himself by farming and called himself “Mr. Happiness” and his place “Happy Nest.” Out of respect, many prominent scholars and officials, including eminent Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), often visited him. Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I were his great friends. About 1060 he was appointed keeper of records in the board of public works and about a decade later a militia judge. In both occasions he refused to assume office. See Bruce, Chu Hsi and His Masters, pp. 31-35.
5--This is the most important work by Shao Yung. The number of chapters varies from eight to seventeen. There are many editions, including one in the Tao-tsang (Taoist Canon), chs. 705-718. The one used here is the sppy edition, in nine chapters. Chs. 5 and 6 make up the “Inner Chapters on the Observation of Things” and chs. 7A to 8B the “Outer Chapters on the Observation of Things.” Selections are from these chapters. Selected passages have been translated by de Harlez, L’École philosophique modern de la Chine, pp. 82-110.
6--Changes, “Remarks on Certain Trigrams,” ch. 1. Cf. Legge trans., Yi King, p. 422.
7--Explanations in parentheses are by Shao Po-wen (1057-1134) in his commentary in the Hsing-li ta-ch’üan (Great Collection of Neo-Confucianism), 9:34a. Chu Pi (fl. 1279), however, thinks that accepted mandate means hereditary rule, modified mandate means either reform or revolution, and substituted mandate means expedient and temporary rule. See his Kuan-wu p’ien chieh (Explanation of the Chapter on Viewing Things), Ssu-k’u ch’üan-shu chen-pen (Rare Editions of the Four Libraries) ed., 5:44b.
8--They were: Duke Huan (r. 685–643 b.c.) of Ch’i, Duke Wen (r. 636–628 b.c.) of Chin, Duke Mu (r. 659–619 b.c.) of Ch’in, King Chuang (r. 613–589 b.c.) of Ch’u, and Duke Hsiang (r. 650–635 b.c.) of Sung.
9--Founders of the three dynasties, Hsia (2183–1752 b.c.?), Shang (1751–1112 b.c.)
, and Chou (1111–249 b.c.).
10--There are three different sets of Five Emperors in the various Classics, all of whom were legendary rulers of the third millennium b.c. Sage emperors Yao and Shun are included in two of these sets.
11--Fu-hsi, Shen-nung, and the Yellow Emperor, legendary rulers before the Five Emperors.
12--Interpretation according to Shao Po-wen’s commentary, in Hsing-li ta-ch’üan, 10:23b.
13--Warring states during the Warring States period (403–222 b.c.).
14--Huang-chi ching-shih ch’üan-shu chieh (Commentary on the Supreme Principle Governing the World), 6:65b.
15--Sung-Yüan hsüeh-an, sppy, 9:2b.
16--Chu Tzu yü-lei (Classified Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1876 ed., 100:1b.
17--These explanations follow Shao Po-wen’s commentary in Hsing-li ta-ch’üan, 11:1b. Function numbers 3 because yin does not operate in Heaven and greater strength does not operate in Earth. Huang Yüeh-chou (of Ming, 1368-1644), in his commentary, said that function is the interaction of corporeality and incorporeality. As incorporeality is involved in corporeality (4) itself, the net result is 3. (Huang-chi ching-shih shu, 7A:1a-b).
18--Changes, “Remarks on Certain Trigrams,” ch. 2. Cf. Legge, Yi King, p. 423.
19--Chu Hsi, I-Lo yüan-yüan lu (Record of the Origins of the Schools of the Two Ch’engs), Cheng-i-t’ang ch’üan-shu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) ed., 5:7a.
20--This interpretation follows Chang Hsing-ch’eng (fl. 1170), Huang-chi ching-shih kuan-wu wai-p’ien yen-i (Elaboration of the Meanings of the Outer Chapter on Viewing Things of the Supreme Principles Governing the World), Ssu-k’u ch’üan-shu chen-pen ed., 8:2a.
21--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 4. Cf. Legge, p. 354.
22--Forke, Geschichte der neueren chinesischen Philosophie, p. 22, and Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 2, p. 458 and Short History of Chinese Philosophy, p. 276, all mispunctuated the sentence to read, in effect, that “the Great Ultimate does not move. It produces. . . .” This is to separate the phrases “not move” and “it produces” and thereby the two ideas. This is a serious mistake because the emphasis here is that the Great Ultimate produces without engaging in any activity. This point is made quite clear in the commentary. Furthermore, in Wang Chih, Huang-chi ching-shih ch’üan-shu chieh, 8:73a, the text is punctuated as I have translated here.
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