24--The text of the Great Learning.
25--ibid.
26--Chu Hsi, Ta-hsüeh chang-chü.
27--The text of the Great Learning.
28--ibid.
29--ibid.
30--Analects, 19:14.
31--Commentary on hexagrams, no. 1, ch’ien (Heaven). Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 410.
32--Chu Hsi, Ta-hsüeh chang-chü, commentary on the text.
33--Mencius, 2A:6, 6A:6.
34--Quoting Mencius, 7A:15.
35--Paraphrasing the Great Learning, ch. 6.
36--History, “Canon of Yao.” Cf. Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 15.
37--ibid., “Canon of Shun”; Legge, p. 41.
38--ibid., “The Charge to Ch’iung”; Legge, p. 585.
39--Great Learning, the text.
40--Hsü Ai (1487-1518), Wang’s favorite pupil, who recorded secs. 1-14 of the Ch’uan-hsi lu.
41--Quoting the Book of Rites, “Summary of the Rules of Propriety.” Cf. translation by Legge, Li Ki, ch. 1, p. 67.
42--ibid., “The Meaning of Sacrifices.” Cf. Legge, ch. 21, pp. 215-216.
43--The courtesy name of Huang Wan (1477-1551), Wang’s pupil. His daughter was married to Wang Yang-ming’s son.
44--The courtesy name of Ku Ying-hsiang (1483-1565). He departed from the teaching of Wang Yang-ming in holding that knowledge and action were not identical.
45--Great Learning, ch. 6.
46--Analects, 5:9, 13:4, 14:4, 15:5, 18:8.
47--The Mean, ch. 8.
48--See above, ch. 2, comment on 13:3
49--See above, ch. 34, secs. 20-24.
50--Ts’ui-yen (Pure Words), 1:162b, in eccs.
51--History, “Charge to Yüeh,” pt. 2. Cf. Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 258.
52--See above, ch. 34, sec. 20.
53--Sun Chung-shan ch’üan-chi (Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen), 1928, vol. 2, p. 53ff.
54--History, “Counsels of the Great Yü.” Cf. Legge, Shoo King, p. 6; Analects, 6:25; Mencius, 7A:1; respectively.
55--Quoting Chu Hsi, Meng Tzu chi-chu (Collected Commentaries on the Book of Mencius) ch. 3, comment on Mencius, 2A:2.
56--See, for example, Chu Tzu yü-lei (Recorded Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1880 ed„ 69:22a.
57--Quoting alternately from Mencius, 7A:1 and The Mean, ch. 20.
58--Quoting The Mean, ch. 22.
59--The Mean, ch. 25.
60--Mencius, 4A: 20.
61--The two sentences are paraphrases of Chu Hsi’s ?a-hsüeh chang-chü, commentary on the text. According to Ota Kinjo (1765-1825) (Gimon roku, or Records of Questioning, 1831 ed., p. 15a), the phrase “vacuous, intelligent, and not beclouded” comes from the Ta-chih tu lu (Mahāprajñāpāramita sāstra, Treatise on Great Wisdom) and was also used by Fa-tsang (643-712), but he gave no specific reference. It is probably derived from the common Buddhist phrase, “intelligent, knowing, and not beclouded,” which was uttered by Zen Masters like Ch’engkuan (c. 760-838) (see Ching-te ch’uan-teng lu, or Records of the Transmission of the Lamp Compiled During the Cheng-te Period, 1004-1007, sptk, 30:8a). The terms “intelligent and knowing” and “not beclouded” were also used by Tsung-mi (780-841) (in his Ch’an-yüan chu-ch’üan chi tu-hsüor General Preface to Collection of Source Material of the Zen School, tsd, 48:404-405). Chu Hsi considered the Buddhist concept too abstract and therefore added the second sentence. See Chu Tzu yü-lei, 1880 ed., 104:17a
62--Ta-hsüeh huo-wen (Questions and Answers on the Great Learning), 1902 ed., 60a-b, in Ssu-shu ta-ch’üan (Great Collection of Commentaries on the Four Books). Hui-an was Chu Hsi’s literary name.
63--Nothing is known of him.
64--Analects, 2:4.
65--Lu Ch’eng, Wang’s pupil, whose courtesy name was Yüan-ching. He recorded secs. 15-94 of the Ch’uan-hsi lu.
66--As taught in the Great Learning, the text.
67--I-shu, 2A:2. See the following section.
68--Mo Tzu was strongly attacked by Mencius because Mo Tzu did not acknowledge the special affection due a father. Mencius, 3B:9. For Mo Tzu’s doctrine, see Mo Tzu, ch. 14-16, English translation by Mei, Works of Motse, p. 78ff.
69--A saying in Analects. 1:2.
70--See above, ch. 31, comment on sec. 11, and ch. 32, comment on 42. See also ch. 30, comment on sec. 1; ch. 31, comment on sec. 1; and ch. 34, comment on treatise 1.
71--Li Yen-p’ing chi (Collected Works of Li T’ung), Cheng-i-t’ang ch’üan-chu (Complete Library of the Hall of Rectifying the Way) ed., 2:24a.
72--Hsüeh K’an (d. 1545), Wang’s pupil, who recorded secs. 95-129 of the Ch’uan-hsi lu.
73--Quoting History, “Great Norm.” Cf. Legge, Shoo King, p. 331.
74--Quoting Changes, commentary on hexagram no. 11, t’ai (successful). Cf Legge, Yi King, p. 281.
75--See comment on sec. 315.
76--A quotation from Mencius, 7A:5.
77--According to the Great Learning, ch. 7.
78--Nothing is known of him except that his private name was Yüan.
79--I-shu, 3: 2a, in eccs.
80--Ch’eng I, Wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works), 5:12a, in eccs. Wang Yang-ming said the same thing in Wang Wen-ch’eng K’ung ch’üan-shu, 5:62.
81--Ch’eng I, preface to his I chuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes), in eccs. See above, ch. 32, n.124.
82--This refers to Ku Tung ch’iao (Ku Lin, 1476-1545), a high official and a renowned poet.
83--Ch. 27.
84--In the text there is the word pu (not) here. It is obviously a misprint and is therefore omitted from the translation.
85--Ta-hsüeh huo-wen, 60a-b.
86--See Mencius, 6A:4.
87--Chung-yung chang-chü (Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean), ch. 5.
88--Cliu-tzu wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works of Chu Hsi), cttc, 35:26a.
89--ibid., 47:31a.
90--Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shi. 3:63a-80a.
91--Ta-hsüeh chang-chü, ch. 5.
92--Referring to Lu Ch’eng. See n.65.
93--Huang I-fang, Wang’s pupil, whose private name was Chih. He recorded secs. 222-236 and 317-343 of the Ch’uan-hsi lu. Otherwise nothing is known of him.
94--Ch’uan-hsi lu, sec. 101.
95--I-shu, 1:7b.
96--ibid., 2A: 1b.
97--In modern Anhui Province, near Nan-ch’ang.
98--Quoting the Tso chuan (Tso’s Commentary), Duke Ting, 13th years.
99--He was Chu Te-chih. Wang’s pupil.
100--The Hui-chi Mountain in present Chekiang.
101--Ch’uan-hsi lu, sec. 6.
102--Referring to Huang Mien-chih, who recorded secs. 248-316 of the Ch’uan-hsi lu.
103--Hsün Tzu, ch. 17. See above, ch. 6. sec. 3. Hsün Tzu strongly criticized Mencius’ doctrine of original goodness (Mencius, 2A:6).
104--Both were counties in Kwangsi.
105--Wang Chi (Wang Lung-hsi, 1498-1583), one of the two most prominent followers of Wang. He developed the intuitive tendency of Wang and had a large following.
106--Referring to Ch’ien Te-hung (Ch’ien Hsü-shan, 1496-1574). The other prominent follower of Wang’s, he differed from Wang Chi radically and emphasized moral cultivation.
107--Ch’uan-hsi lu, sec. 318.
108--According to the Nien-p’u (Chronological Biography), the following incider took place in 1492.
109--This friend was not Ch’ien Te-hung, since he did not meet Wang until 1521.
110--When he was banished to become an official in Kuei-chou between 1506 and 1508.
111--Quoting the Book of Odes, ode no. 239.
112--Mencius’ saying, in Mencius, 2A:2.
113--Ch’eng Hao, I-shu, 3:1a.
114--Undoubtedly a quotation of Wang’s although it cannot be located. The idea is quite obvious in sec. 267.
115--Book of Rites, “The Evolution of Rites.” Cf. Legge, Li Ki, vol. 1, p. 382.
THE MATERIALISM OF WANG FU-CHIH
1--For more information on his life, see Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese, pp. 817-819.
2--See below, ch. 44.
3--For the translation of this ch’i as “concrete thing,” see Appendix, comment on Ch’i.
4--Liu Tzu ch’üan-shu (Complete Works of Master Liu), 11:3a.
5--Nan-lei wen-ting (Literary Works of Huang Tsung-hsi), sptk, 3:6b.
6--See above, ch. 31, sec. 5.
7--Legendary emperors (3rd millennium b.c.).
8--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 12. Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 377.
9--Mencius, 7A:38.
10--The Mean, ch. 25.
11--The reference is to Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 10. Cf. Legge, trans., Yi King, p. 370.
12--Changes, “Appended Remarks,” pt. 2, ch. 1. Cf. Legge, p. 381.
13--Lao Tzu, ch. 12.
14--Wang’s own note: Like the Taoist emphasis on the supremely profound principle (hsüan) and the Buddhist seeing the Buddha-nature.
15--Hsia, 2183–1752 b.c., Shang, 1751–1112 b.c. , and Chou, 1111–249 b.c.
16--The system, most probably legendary, in which a piece of land was divided into nine squares, thus looking like the Chinese character for a well. Eight families would each cultivate a square for its own support and cultivate the central square jointly for the government.
17--Founder of the Hsia dynasty, r. 2183-2175 b.c.?
PRACTICAL CONFUCIANISM IN YEN YÜAN
1--Yen was a native of Chih-li. As a youth he studied fencing and later studied military craft. In his twenties he was first interested in the idealism of Wang Yang-ming but later shifted to the rationalism of Chu Hsi. He was a poor man. In 1696 he was invited to be the director of an academy. There he put his theory of practical learning into practice. For details of his life, see Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese, pp. 912-915.
2--I-shu (Surviving Works), 6:2a, in eccs.
3--ibid., 1:7b.
4--Chu Tzu yü-lei (Classified Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1880 ed., 4:9a.
5--ibid., 4:9b.
6--See above, ch. 30, sec. 41.
7--These are the characteristics of Change, the universal process of creation and existence. The Chinese term may be translated as “Four Powers,” which would indicate that the four are dynamic in character, but “Four Virtues” retains the literal meaning of te and, furthermore, indicates that the four are good.
8--For example, Cheng Hao. See above, ch. 31, sec. 7.
9--I-shu, 1:7b.
10--I-shu, 1:3a. Although it is not indicated whether this is an utterance by Ch’eng I or Ch’eng Hao, it is most likely by the latter. See above, ch. 31, sec. 4.
11--The text of the Great Learning.
12--See above, ch. 32, comment on sec. 44.
TAI CHEN’S PHILOSOPHY OF PRINCIPLE AS ORDER
1--For this idea, see above, ch. 32, sec. 22, and ch. 34, sec. 84.
2--He was a native of Anhui. The family being poor, he taught primary school in 1740-1742 in a place where his father was a cloth merchant. He continued studies and did tutoring and thus became acquainted with both established and potential scholars. His own scholarship was gradually making him famous. In 1762, he obtained the “recommended person” degree. But he failed in the metropolitan examinations several times. In 1773, he was appointed a compiler of the famous Four Libraries by imperial command. He failed once more in the metropolitan examination in 1775 but was bestowed the degree of “presented scholar” and made an academician in the Han-lin Academy, a position of high honor. He continued his compilation work until death. For more information on him, see Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese, pp. 695-700.
3--This work consists of forty-three sections divided into three parts. Actually it is not a commentary on the Book of Mencius. Rather it is a discussion of philosophical concepts all of which are important in the Book of Mencius, which Tai quotes frequently. The edition used is that in Hu Shih’s (1891-1962) Tai Tung-yüan ti che-hsüeh (Philosophy of Tai Chen), Shanghai, 1927.
4--Tai’s own note: Also called “pattern and grains” wen-lü, li and lü, being similar in pronunciation.
5--Mencius, 5B: 1.
6--ibid.
7--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 1. Cf. translation by Legge, Yi King, p. 349.
8--ibid.
9--ibid.
10--ibid.
11--Ch. 31.
12--Book of Rites, “Record of Music.” Cf. Legge, trans., Li Ki, vol. 2, p. 95.
13--Fen-li, literally fibre in muscle, is extended to mean distinction and discrimination, especially between right and wrong.
14--Tai’s own note: In the Chuang Tzu, King Wen-hui’s cook was cutting up a bullock. The cook himself said, “Following the natural fibres (t’ien-li), my chopper slips through the great cavities and slides through the great openings in accordance with the natural conditions. I did not attempt the central veins or their branches, or the connections between flesh and bone. How much less the great bones.” T’ien-li is what he meant by cavities between the joints, and the chopper was not thick. To apply what is not thick to cavities is just like natural discrimination.” (Prince Wen-hui was King Hui of Liang, r. 371-320 b.c. The story is found in Chuang-Tzu, ch. 3, nhcc, 2:2a. Cf. Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 48).
15--Ode no. 260.
16--Quoted in Mencius, 6A:6.
17--ibid.
18--ibid., 7B:35.
19--Hu Shih’s comment: “No one has expressed this idea before.” Tai Tung-yüan ti che-hsüeh, Appendix, p. 54.
20--The word “mind” is added, quite correctly, by Hu Shih. ibid., p. 55.
21--Lao Tzu, ch. 3.
22--In a long note, Tai recounted how Ch’eng I (Ch’eng I-ch’uan, 1033-1107), Chang Tsai (Chang Heng-ch’ü, 1020-1077), and Chu Hsi studied Taoism and Buddhism.
23--Chih, also interpreted as contended, simple, etc.
24--Ode no. 166.
25--“Evolution of Rites.” Cf. Legge, Li Ki, vol. 1, p. 380.
26--See Mencius, 6A:6-8.
27--This is Chu Hsi’s utterance. See Chu Tzu yü-lei (Classified Conversations of Chu Hsi), 1880 ed., 98:9a.
28--Lao Tzu, ch. 10.
29--ibid., ch. 57.
30--A common Zen saying derived from a dictum by Zen Master Jui-yen (c.850-c.910). See Wu-teng hui-yüan (Five Lamps Combined), ch. 7, in Zokuzōkyō (Supplement to the Buddhist Canon), 1st collection, pt. 2, B, case, 11, p. 120b. The saying is quoted in Ming-chiao Ch’an-shih yü-lu (Recorded Sayings of Zen Master Ming-chiao, 980-1052), ch. 3, tsd, 47:690. This saying, however, is not found in the section on Jui-an in Ching-te ch’uan-teng-lu (Records of the Transmission of the Lamp Completed During the Ching-te Period, 1004-1007). See sptk, 17:17b-18a.
31--Here in an inserted note Tai cites Chuang Tzu, ch. 3, nhcc, 1:23a. Cf. Giles, Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 35, where “true Lord” is mentioned, and three Buddhist passages where “True Emptiness” is used, including one from Shen-hui’s (670-762) treatise, Hsien-tsung chi (Elucidating the Doctrine) in Ching-te ch’uan-teng lu, sptk, 30:7a. Cf. translation by Chan, in Sources of Chinese Tradition, ed. by de Bary, Chan, and Watson, p. 398.
32--This refers to Chu Hsi’s saying in Chu Tzu ch’üan-shu (Complete Works of Chu Hsi), 1713 ed., 49:5b. See above, ch. 34, sec. 110. According to the reference in the Complete Works this saying is from Chu Hsi’s letter in reply to Liu Shuwen in the Chu Tzu wen-chi (Collection of Literary Works by Chu Hsi), but there is no letter under such name.
33--Chu Hsi’s description. See Chu Tzu yü-lei, 1:3a.
34--Originally these were: Book of History, Odes, Changes, Rites, Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Book of Music, which is now lost. Since the Sung dynasty, the Chou-li (Rites of Chou) has taken its place.
35--Ode no. 260.
36--Commentary on hexagram no. 1, ch’ien (Heaven). Cf. Legge, Yi King, p. 417.
37--Ch. 29. The Three Kings were the founders of the Hsia (2183–1752 b.c.), Shang (1751–1112 b.c.) and Chou (1111–249 b.c.) dynastie
s.
38--Mencius’ saying, by which he meant moral principles. See Mencius, 6A:7.
39--ibid., 4A:2.
40--See the next section.
41--“Appended Remarks,” pt. 1, ch. 5. Cf. Legge, p. 356.
42--Ch. 1.
43--Sec. 80, sptk, 13:3a.
44--17:2.
45--Mencius, 6A:7.
46--ibid., 6A:3.
47--ihid.
48--ibid., 6A:7.
49--See n.24.
50--See below, ch. 31, sec. 11 and ch. 32, sec. 42.
51--Chu Hsi’s introductory remark on The Mean. See above, ch. 5.
52--I have not been able to trace the source of this quotation.
53--Chu Hsi Ta-hsüeh chang-chü (Commentary on the Great Learning), commenting on the opening sentence of the text. Also in his Meng tzu chi-chu (Collected Commentaries on the Book of Mencius), ch. 13, commenting on Mencius, 7A:1. See above, ch. 35, n.61.
54--Analects, 4:15, 15:3.
55--Confucius’ pupil, 505–C.436 b.c. The chapter referred to is Analects, 4:15.
56--Lun-yü chi-chu (Collected Commentaries on the Analects), ch. 2, commenting on Analects, 4:15.
57--Mencius, 4B:15.
58--ibid., 7B:32.
K’ANG YU-WEI’S PHILOSOPHY OF GREAT UNITY
1--K’ang was a native of the Nan-hai district of Kwangtung. Hence the honorary title “Master Nan-hai.” At nineteen he became a pupil of Chu Tz’u-ch’i. In 1888 he addressed a memorial to the Kuang-hsü emperor (r. 1875-1908) for reform, but the memorial was prevented from reaching him. In 1891 he taught at Canton, with Liang Ch’i-ch’ao among his pupils. In 1895 he obtained the “presented scholar” degree in Peking and founded the Society for National Strength and New Learning there. When China was defeated by Japan in that year, he organized the graduates from eighteen provinces into a mass meeting to petition for rejection of the peace treaty with Japan but for reform instead. The petition never reached the emperor. Two years later he memorialized once more. The emperor now intended to start reform. In 1898, at the introduction of the imperial tutor, K’ang and the emperor met for two hours and decided on reform measures. Many edicts were rapidly issued ordering wholesale reform. But when Yüan Shih-k’ai (1858-1916), army commander guarding the capital, was asked to help the emperor and arrest a chief opponent, the Empress Dowager, he informed her instead. The reform movement collapsed.
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