6. Magnus hoc bello Themistocles fuit neque minor in pace. cum enim Phalerico portu neque magno neque bono Athenienses uterentur, huius consilio triplex Piraei portus constitutus est iisque moenibus circumdatus, ut ipsam urbem dignitate aequiperaret, utilitate superaret. [2] idem muros Atheniensium restituit praecipuo suo periculo. namque Lacedaemonii causam idoneam nacti propter barbarorum excursiones, qua negarent oportere extra Peloponnesum ullam urbem muros habere, ne essent loca munita, quae hostes possiderent, Athenienses aedificantes prohibere sunt conati. hoc longe alio spectabat atque videri volebant. [3] Athenienses enim duabus victoriis, Marathonia et Salaminia, tantam gloriam apud omnes gentes erant consecuti, ut intellegerent Lacedaemonii de principatu sibi cum iis certamen fore. [4] quare eos quam infirmissimos esse volebant. postquam autem audierunt muros strui, legatos Athenas miserunt, qui id fieri vetarent. his praesentibus desierunt ac se de ea re legatos ad eos missuros dixerunt. [5] hanc legationem suscepit Themistocles et solus primo profectus est: reliqui legati ut tum exirent, cum satis alti tuendo muri exstructi viderentur, praecepit: interim omnes, servi atque liberi, opus facerent neque ulli loco parcerent, sive sacer sive privatus esset sive publicus, et undique, quod idoneum ad muniendum putarent, congererent. quo factum est ut Atheniensium muri ex sacellis sepulcrisque constarent.
VI. Themistocles was great in this war, and was not less distinguished in peace; for as the Athenians used the harbour of Phalerum, which was neither large nor convenient, the triple port of the Piraeeus was constructed by his advice, and enclosed with walls, so that it equalled the city in magnificence, and excelled it in utility. He also rebuilt the walls of Athens at his own individual risk , for the Lacedaemonians, having found a fair pretext, in consequence of the inroads of the barbarians, for saying that no walled town should be kept up without the Peloponnesus, in order that there might be no fortified places of which the enemy might take possession, attempted to prevent the Athenians from building them. This attempt had a far different object from that which they wished to be apparent; for the Athenians, by their two victories at Marathon and Salamis, had gained so much renown among all people, that the Lacedaemonians became aware that they should have a struggle with them for the supremacy. They therefore wished the Athenians to be as weak as possible.
After they heard, however, that the erection of the wall was begun, they sent ambassadors to Athens to prevent it from being continued. While the ambassadors were present, they desisted, and said that they would send an embassy to them respecting the matter. This embassy Themistocles undertook, and set out first by himself, desiring that the rest of the ambassadors should follow when the height of the wall should seem sufficiently advanced; and that, in the meantime, all the people, slaves as well as freemen, should carry on the work, sparing no place, whether sacred or profane, public or private, but collecting from all quarters whatever they thought suitable for building. Hence it happened that the walls of the Athenians were constructed of materials from temples and tombs.
7. Themistocles autem, ut Lacedaemonem venit, adire ad magistratus noluit et dedit operam, ut quam longissime tempus duceret, causam interponens se collegas exspectare. [2] cum Lacedaemonii quererentur opus nihilo minus fieri eumque in ea re conari fallere, interim reliqui legati sunt consecuti. a quibus cum audisset non multum superesse munitionis, ad ephoros Lacedaemoniorum accessit, penes quos summum erat imperium, atque apud eos contendit falsa iis esse delata: quare aequum esse illos viros bonos nobilesque mittere quibus fides haberetur, qui rem explorarent: interea se obsidem retinerent. [3] gestus est ei mos, tresque legati functi summis honoribus Athenas missi sunt. cum his collegas suos Themistocles iussit proficisci iisque praedixit, ut ne prius Lacedaemoniorum legatos dimitterent quam ipse esset remissus. [4] hos postquam Athenas pervenisse ratus est, ad magistratus senatumque Lacedaemoniorum adiit et apud eos liberrime professus est: Athenienses suo consilio, quod communi iure gentium facere possent, deos publicos suosque patrios ac penates, quo facilius ab hoste possent defendere, muris saepsisse neque in eo quod inutile esset Graeciae fecisse. [5] nam illorum urbem ut propugnaculum oppositum esse barbaris, apud quam iam bis copias regias fecisse naufragium. [6] Lacedaemonios autem male et iniuste facere, qui id potius intuerentur, quod ipsorum dominationi quam quod universae Graeciae utile esset. quare, si suos legatos recipere vellent, quos Athenas miserant, se remitterent, cum aliter illos numquam in patriam essent recepturi.
VII. Themistocles, when he arrived at Lacedaemon, would not go to the authorities at once, but endeavoured to make as much delay as possible, alleging, as a reason, that he was waiting for his colleagues. While the Lacedaemonians were complaining that the work was nevertheless continued, and that he was trying to deceive them in the matter, the rest of the ambassadors in the meantime arrived; and, as he learned from them that but little of the wall remained to be done, he proceeded to the Lacedaemonian Ephori, in whom the supreme power was vested, and assured them positively that “false accounts had been given them,” adding “that it would be proper for them to send persons of character and respectability, in whom trust might be placed, to inquire into the affair; and that in the meantime they might detain himself as a hostage.’ His suggestion was complied with, and three deputies, men who had filled the highest offices, were despatched to Athens.
When Themistocles thought that they had reached the city, he went to the Ephori and senate of the Lacedaemonians, and boldly stated that “the Athenians, by his advice, had enclosed their public gods, and their national and household gods, with walls, that they might more easily defend them from the enemy, a step which they were at liberty to take by the common law of nations; nor had they, in acting thus, done what was useless to Greece; for their city stood as a bulwark against the barbarians, at which the king’s fleets had already twice suffered shipwreck; and that the Lacedaemonians acted unreasonably and unjustly, in regarding rather what was conducive to their own dominion, than what would be of advantage to the whole of Greece. If, therefore, they wished to receive back the deputies whom they had sent to Athens, they must permit him to return; otherwise they would never receive them into their country again.”
8. Tamen non effugit civium suorum invidiam. namque ob eundem timorem, quo damnatus erat Miltiades, testularum suffragiis e civitate eiectus Argos habitatum concessit. [2] hic cum propter multas virtutes magna cum dignitate viveret, Lacedaemonii legatos Athenas miserunt, qui eum absentem accusarent, quod societatem cum rege Perse ad Graeciam opprimendam fecisset. [3] hoc crimine absens damnatus est. id ut audivit, quod non satis tutum se Argis videbat, Corcyram demigravit. ibi cum eius principes insulae animadvertisset timere, ne propter se bellum iis Lacedaemonii et Athenienses indicerent, ad Admetum, Molossum regem, cum quo ei hospitium non erat, confugit. [4] huc cum venisset et in praesentia rex abesset, quo maiore religione se receptum tueretur, filium eius parvulum arripuit et cum eo se in sacrarium, quod summa colebatur caerimonia, coniecit. inde non prius egressus est, quam rex eum data dextra in fidem reciperet, quam praestitit. [5] nam cum ab Atheniensibus et Lacedaemoniis exposceretur publice, supplicem non prodidit monuitque ut consuleret sibi: difficile enim esse in tam propinquo loco tuto eum versari. itaque Pydnam eum deduci iussit et quod satis esset praesidii dedit. [6] hic in navem omnibus ignotus nautis escendit. quae cum tempestate maxima Naxum ferretur, ubi tum Atheniensium erat exercitus, sensit Themistocles, si eo pervenisset, sibi esse pereundum. hac necessitate coactus domino navis, quis sit, aperit, multa pollicens, si se conservasset. [7] at ille clarissimi viri captus misericordia diem noctemque procul ab insula in salo navem tenuit in ancoris neque quemquam ex ea exire passus est. inde Ephesum pervenit ibique Themistoclem exponit. cui ille pro meritis postea gratiam rettulit.
VIII. Yet he did not escape jealousy on the part of his own countrymen; for being expelled from the city by the ostracism, through the same apprehension from which Miltiades had been condemned, he went to dwell at Argos. While he was living there in great honour, on account of his many excellent qualities, the Lacedaemonians sent ambassado
rs to Athens to accuse him in his absence of having made a league with the king of Persia to subjugate Greece. On this charge he was condemned, while absent, of treason to his country. As soon as he heard of this sentence, he removed, as he did not think himself safe at Argos, to Corcyra. But perceiving that the leading men of that state were afraid lest the Lacedaemonians and Athenians should declare war against them on his account, he fled to Admetus, king of the Molossi, with whom he had had a great friendship. Having arrived here, and the king being absent at the time, he, in order that he might secure himself, if received, with the stronger safeguard of religion, took up the king’s little daughter, and ran with her into a certain temple, which was regarded with the utmost veneration, and from which he did not come out till the king having given him his right hand, took him under his protection; an engagement which he strictly observed. For when his surrender was publicly demanded by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he did not betray his dependant, but warned him to consult for his safety, as it would be difficult for him to live in security in a place so near to Greece. He in consequence caused him to be conducted to Pydna, appointing him a sufficient guard. Here he went on board a ship, to all the sailors in which he was personally unknown. The vessel being driven by a violent storm towards Naxos, where the army of the Athenians then lay, Themistocles felt assured that, if he put in there, he must lose his life. Being thus compelled by necessity, he disclosed to the captain of the ship who he was, promising him a large reward if he would save him. The captain, moved with concern for so illustrious a man, kept the ship at anchor in the open sea, at some distance from the island, for a day and a night, allowing no person to quit it. Thence he went to Ephesus, where he set Themistocles on shore, who afterwards liberally rewarded him for his services.
9. Scio plerosque ita scripsisse, Themistoclem Xerxe regnante in Asiam transisse. sed ego potissimum Thucydidi credo, quod et aetate proximus de iis, qui illorum temporum historiam reliquerunt, et eiusdem civitatis fuit. is autem ait ad Artaxerxen eum venisse atque his verbis epistulam misisse: [2] ‘Themistocles veni ad te, qui plurima mala omnium Graiorum in domum tuam intuli, quamdiu mihi necesse fuit adversum patrem tuum bellare patriamque meam defendere. [3] idem multo plura bona feci, postquam in tuto ipse et ille in periculo esse coepit. nam cum in Asiam reverti vellet proelio apud Salamina facto, litteris eum certiorem feci id agi ut pons, quem in Hellesponto fecerat, dissolveretur atque ab hostibus circumiretur: quo nuntio ille periculo est liberatus. [4] nunc autem confugi ad te exagitatus a cuncta Graecia, tuam petens amicitiam: quam si ero adeptus, non minus me bonum amicum habebis, quam fortem inimicum ille expertus est. te autem rogo, ut de iis rebus, quas tecum colloqui volo, annuum mihi tempus des eoque transacto ad te venire patiaris.’
IX. I know most historians have related that Themistocles went over into Asia in the reign of Xerxes, but I give credence to Thucydides in preference to others, because he, of all who have left records of that period, was nearest in point of time to Themistocles, and was of the same city. Thucydides says that he went to Artaxerxes, and sent him a letter in these words: “I, Themistocles, am come to you, a man, who, of all the Greeks, brought most evil upon your house, when. I was obliged to war against your father, and to defend my own country. I also did your father still greater service, after I myself was in safety, and he began to be in danger; for when he wished, after the battle fought at Salamis, to return into Asia, I informed him by letter that it was in contemplation that the bridge, which he had constructed over the Hellespont, should be broken up, and that he should be surrounded by enemies; by which information he was rescued from danger. But now, pursued by all Greece, I have fled to you, soliciting your favour, and if I shall obtain it, you will find me no less deserving as a friend than your father found me resolute as an enemy. I make this request, however, that with regard to the subjects on which I wish to discourse with you, you would grant me a year’s delay, and when that time is past, permit me to approach you.”
10. Huius rex animi magnitudinem admirans cupiensque talem virum sibi conciliari veniam dedit. ille omne illud tempus litteris sermonique Persarum dedit: quibus adeo eruditus est, ut multo commodius dicatur apud regem verba fecisse, quam ii poterant, qui in Perside erant nati. [2] hic cum multa regi esset pollicitus gratissimumque illud, si suis uti consiliis vellet, illum Graeciam bello oppressurum, magnis muneribus ab Artaxerxe donatus in Asiam rediit domiciliumque Magnesiae sibi constituit. [3] namque hanc urbem ei rex donarat, his quidem verbis, quae ei panem praeberet (ex qua regione quinquagena talenta quotannis redibant), Lampsacum autem, unde vinum sumeret, Myunta, ex qua obsonium haberet. Huius ad nostram memoriam monumenta manserunt duo: sepulcrum prope oppidum, in quo est sepultus, statua in foro Magnesiae. [4] de cuius morte multimodis apud plerosque scriptum est, sed nos eundem potissimum Thucydidem auctorem probamus, qui illum ait Magnesiae morbo mortuum neque negat fuisse famam, venenum sua sponte sumpsisse, cum se, quae regi de Graecia opprimenda pollicitus esset, praestare posse desperaret. [5] idem ossa eius clam in Attica ab amicis sepulta, quoniam legibus non concederetur, quod proditionis esset damnatus, memoriae prodidit.
X. The king, admiring his greatness of mind, and wishing to have such a man attached to him, granted his request. Themistocles devoted all that time to the writings and language of the Persians, in which he acquired such knowledge, that he is said to have spoken before the king with much more propriety than those could who were born in Persia. After he had made the king many promises, and what was most agreeable of them all, that if he would follow his advice, he might conquer Greece in war, he was honoured with rich presents by Artaxerxes, and returning into Asia Minor, fixed his habitation at Magnesia. For the king had bestowed upon him this city, expressing himself in these words, that “it was to supply him with bread;” (from the land about this place fifty talents came into him annually;) and he had also given him Lampsacus, “whence he might get his wine,” and Myus, “from which he might have meats for his table.”
Two memorials of Themistocles have remained to our times; his sepulchre near the city, in which he was buried, and his statues in the forum of Magnesia. Concerning his death various accounts have been given by several writers; we prefer, to all others, the authority of Thucydides, who says that he died of some disease at Magnesia, though he admits that there was a report that he voluntarily took poison, because he despaired of being able to perform what he had promised the king about subjugating Greece. Thucydides has also recorded that his bones were buried by his friends in Attica privately, it not being permitted by law to bury them, as he had been pronounced guilty of treason.
III. ARISTIDES.
Aristides the contemporary and rival of Themistocles; is banished, I. After his recall, commands against Mardonius; increases the popularity of the Athenians, II. Has the care of the treasury, dies poor, III.
1. Aristides, Lysimachi filius, Atheniensis, aequalis fere fuit Themistocli atque cum eo de principatu contendit: namque obtrectarunt inter se. [2] in his autem cognitum est, quanto antestaret eloquentia innocentiae. quamquam enim adeo excellebat Aristides abstinentia, ut unus post hominum memoriam, quem quidem nos audierimus, cognomine Iustus sit appellatus, tamen a Themistocle collabefactus testula illa exilio decem annorum multatus est. [3] qui quidem cum intellegeret reprimi concitatam multitudinem non posse, cedensque animadvertisset quendam scribentem, ut patria pelleretur, quaesisse ab eo dicitur, quare id faceret aut quid Aristides commisisset, cur tanta poena dignus duceretur. [4] cui ille respondit se ignorare Aristiden, sed sibi non placere, quod tam cupide laborasset, ut praeter ceteros Iustus appellaretur. [5] hic decem annorum legitimam poenam non pertulit. nam postquam Xerxes in Graeciam descendit, sexto fere anno quam erat expulsus, populi scito in patriam restitutus est.
I. ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, a native of Athens, was almost of the same age with Themistocles, and contended with him, in consequence, for pre-eminence, as they were determined rivals one to the other; and it was seen in their case how much eloquence could prevail over in
tegrity; for though Aristides was so distinguished for uprightness of conduct, that he was the only person in the memory of man (as far at least as I have heard) who was called by the surname of JUST, yet being overborne by Themistocles with the ostracism, he was condemned to be banished for ten years.
Aristides, finding that the excited multitude could not be appeased, and noticing, as he yielded to their violence, a person writing that he ought to be banished, is said to have asked him “why he did so, or what Aristides had done, that he should be thought deserving of such a punishment?” The person writing replied, that “he did not know Aristides, but that he was not pleased that he had laboured to be called Just beyond other men.”
He did not suffer the full sentence of ten years appointed by law, for when Xerxes made a descent upon Greece, he was recalled into his country by a decree of the people, about six years after he had been exiled.
2. Interfuit autem pugnae navali apud Salamina, quae facta est prius quam poena liberaretur. idem praetor fuit Atheniensium apud Plataeas in proelio, quo fusus barbarorum exercitus Mardoniusque interfectus est. [2] neque aliud est ullum huius in re militari illustre factum quam eius imperii memoria, iustitiae vero et aequitatis et innocentiae multa, in primis quod huius aequitate factum est, cum in communi classe esset Graeciae simul cum Pausania quo duce Mardonius erat fugatus, ut summa imperii maritimi ab Lacedaemoniis transferretur ad Athenienses: [3] namque ante id tempus et mari et terra duces erant Lacedaemonii. tum autem et intemperantia Pausaniae et iustitia factum est Aristidis, ut omnes fere civitates Graeciae ad Atheniensium societatem se applicarent et adversus barbaros hos duces deligerent sibi.
Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos Page 32
