Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy

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Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy Page 53

by Daron Acemoglu


  This provides another potential interpretation for the reduced-form model of democratic politics in Chapter 4, where the equilibrium policy was the solution to a weighted utilitarian social-welfare maximization problem. We summarize this result as the following proposition:

  Proposition A.5 (Policy Nonconvergence with Partisan Politics and Probabilistic Voting): Suppose that P(qA, qB) is a continuous function because of probabilistic voting, and political parties represent the preferences of one of the groups. Then, the political equilibrium is given by maximizing the weighted utilitarian social-welfare function (12.19), which places greater weight on the social group whose preferences are reflected in the party platforms.

  The reason this proposition is important is that it suggests that certain groups can be quite powerful in democratic politics if they can manage to control the ideological leanings of the parties. In terms of our two-class model, we can think of democratic politics sometimes as captured by the rich - for example, because they control the political parties.

  4.3 Commitment and Convergence

  An important assumption so far is that parties announce policy platforms and then they can commit to the policies they announced in those platforms. This way, parties could basically compete by varying the policies that they implement when in office. However, as emphasized byAlesina ( 1988), Osborne and Slivinski ( 1996), and Besley and Coate (1997), the assumption of commitment is not necessarily plausible. In these one-shot models, what is there to stop the politicians from changing policies to their ideal point once they come to power? Nothing; there is no potential punishment. (There would be some punishment if we were in the world with repeated elections, but this is beyond the scope of our treatment.)

  To see what happens when we remove this commitment assumption, consider the model of the previous section but assume that parties can choose whichever policy they like when they come to office. Suppose also that P(qA, qB) is given by ( 12.1 ). Announcements before the election are nothing more than cheap talk and in a subgame perfect equilibrium, voters realize that once they come to power, parties implement their ideal points. Therefore, they simply compare Vn(qA) and Vn(qB) and vote for whichever party has an ideal point closer to theirs. The result is that the party with an ideal point closer to that of the median voter wins. Therefore, we have the following proposition:

  Proposition A.6 (Policy Nonconvergence with Partisan Politics and No Commitment) : Suppose that there is no commitment to policy platforms in this model of partisan politics. Then, in the unique equilibrium, we have that if VM(qA) > VM(qB), party A comes to power with probability 1 and the equilibrium policy is qA; ifVM(qB) > VM(qA), party B comes to power with probability 1 and the equilibrium policy is qB; and if VM(qA) = VM(qB), each party comes to power with probability ½ and the equilibrium policy is qAwith probability ½ and q Bwith probability ½

  Consequently, in this model of partisan politics without commitment, we see that parties’ policy preferences matter even more. This implies that the control of the political agenda and the parties’ internal structures becomes more important in determining equilibrium policies and, thus, more valuable when parties cannot perfectly commit to policies at the election stage. In this case, if both parties’ platforms are totally captured by a social group, equilibrium policies are always at the ideal point of one of those groups. For example, consider a situation in which the poor control one political party and the rich the other. If the ideal point of the rich is closer to the ideal point of the median voter, the equilibrium democratic policy is always the ideal point of the rich.

  In summary, the models discussed in this appendix provide a microfoundation for the reduced-form model of political power used at the end of Chapter 4. The models suggest that the rich may have more power in some democracies because they either are less ideological in their voting than the poor or have been able to form effective lobbies for their interests or are able to capture or influence party platforms.

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