Once when one of his soldiers had a blister, he personally sucked out the pus for him. The soldier's mother heard about it and wept. Someone said to her: "Your son is only an ordinary soldier, while the general himself sucked out the pus. What is there to weep about?" The mother retorted: "That isn't it. In years past Duke Wu sucked his father's blister. His father went to war without hesitating and subsequently died at the hands of the enemy. Now Duke Wu again sucks my son's blister, so I don't know where he will die. For this reason I weep."15
Because Marquis Wen felt that Wu Ch'i excelled in employing the army, was scrupulous and fair-handed, and able to obtain the complete allegiance of his troops, he appointed him as Protector of the West River16 commandery to fend off the states of Ch'in and Han.
When Marquis Wen died Wu Ch'i continued to serve his son, Marquis Wu. Marquis Wu voyaged by boat down the West River. In midstream he looked back and exclaimed to Wu Ch'i: "Isn't it magnificent! The substantiality of the mountains and rivers, this is the jewel of Wei." Wu Ch'i replied: "[The real jewel] lies in Virtue, not in precipitous defiles. Formerly the Three Miao had Tung-t'ing Lake on the left and P'eng-li Lake on the right, but they didn't cultivate Virtue and righteousness and Yu obliterated them. The place where Chieh of the Hsia dynasty resided had the Yellow and Chi rivers on the left, Mt. T'ai and Mt. Hua on the right, the cliffs of I-ch'iieh in the south, and the slopes of Yang-ch'ang to the north. But in his practice of government he didn't cultivate benevolence, and T'ang displaced him. The state of [the tyrant] Chou of the Yin dynasty had Mt. Meng-men on the left, Mt. T'ai-hang on the right, Mt. Ch'ang to the north, and the great Yellow River flowing to the south, but in his practice of government he didn't cultivate Virtue, and King Wu killed him. From this perspective [the state's jewel] is Virtue, not the precipitousness of its defiles. If you do not cultivate Virtue, all the men in the boat will comprise an enemy state."17 "Excellent!" said Marquis Wu. Thereupon he enfeoffed Wu Ch'i as Protector of the West River commandery, and his reputation grew enormously.
Wei then established the post of Minister, naming T'ien Wen to the office. Wu Ch'i was unhappy so he accosted T'ien Wen: "Could we please discuss merit and attainments?" T'ien Wen agreed. Wu Ch'i asked: "Who is better at commanding the Three Armies, causing the officers and soldiers to take pleasure in dying in battle, and ensuring that enemy states do not dare plot against us-you or me?" "I am not as capable as you," T'ien Wen replied. Wu Ch'i then asked him: "Who is better, you or I, in administering the bureaucracy, gaining the support of the people, and filling the storehouses and arsenals?" T'ien Wen again replied: "I am not as good as you." "In serving as Protector of the West River commandery so that the Ch'in troops dare not establish villages in their eastern regions, while Han and Chao act submissively as honored guests, who is better?" T'ien Wen acknowledged: "You are." Wu Ch'i then proceeded: "In all three of these you are inferior to me, yet your position has been placed above me. Why?" T'ien Wen said: "The ruler is young, the state doubtful, the major ministers not yet supportive, while the common people18 do not trust [the government]. At this time should the role fall to you or to me?" After Ch'i was silent for a very long time he said: "It should belong to you. This is why I am placed over you." Wu Ch'i then knew he was not as good as T'ien Wen.
After T'ien Wen died Kung Shu became Minister. He had married a princess of Wei and [wanted to] damage Wu Ch'i. Kung Shu's servant said to him: "It is easy to get rid of Wu Ch'i." Kung Shu asked how, and his servant replied: "Wu Ch'i is constrained, incorruptible, and likes fame. First you should accordingly say to Marquis Wu: `Wu Ch'i is a Worthy while your state is small. Moreover you have a border area of fertile land abutting the strong state of Ch'in. Therefore I fear Wu Ch'i will not remain loyal.' The marquis will then ask: `What should we do,' and you should say: `Test him by extending [an offer of marriage] with a princess. If Ch'i intends to stay he will certainly accept her; if not he will invariably decline. With this divine his intent.' Then you should summon Wu Ch'i and return with him, while also making the princess angry so that she treats you contemptuously. When Wu Ch'i sees that the princess holds you in contempt, he will certainly decline her."
Thereupon, when Wu Ch'i saw the princess treat the Minister of Wei contemptuously, he did in fact decline Marquis Wu's offer. Marquis Wu grew suspicious and did not trust him any longer. Wu Ch'i, fearing he might be charged with some offense, subsequently left and went to the state of Ch'u.
King Tao of Ch'u had previously heard that Wu Ch'i was a Worthy, so when he arrived he appointed him as Minister. Wu Ch'i made the laws clear, examined the ordinances, eliminated unimportant offices, and dispersed distant royal relatives in order to nourish and support fighting men. He emphasized strengthening the army and destroying the vociferous proponents of the horizontal and vertical alliances.19 To the south he pacified the Pai Yueh. In the north he seized Ch'en and Ts'ai and forced the Three Chin to withdraw. To the west he [successfully] attacked Ch'in. The other feudal lords were troubled by Ch'u's growing strength, while all the members of the royal family wanted to harm him. When King Tao died the imperial relatives and chief ministers revolted and attacked Wu Ch'i. He ran to the king's body and hid beneath it. When his assailants shot their arrows, striking him, they thereby struck King Tao as well.
When King Tao had been buried and the prince enthroned, he had the Minister of justice execute all those who had shot at Wu Ch'i and also struck the king's corpse. Those that were judged guilty and executed, together with having their families exterminated, numbered more than seventy.20
The Grand Historian says: "The habit of the contemporary age, when referring to armies and regiments, is to always speak of Sun-tzu's thirteen chapters and Wu Ch'i's strategy. At this time many [people] have them. Thus I have not discussed them but instead discussed what their actions effected and established. There is a common saying: `One able to perform an action cannot invariably speak about it; one able to speak about something is not invariably able to perform it.' Sun Pin's plotting of strategy against Pang Chuan was enlightened, but he was still unable to extricate himself from the misfortune of suffering severe corporeal punishment.21 Wu Ch'i [tried to] persuade Marquis Wen that the strategic advantages of power [conferred by the substantiality of the terrain's] configuration are not as good as Virtue. However, his actions in Ch'u, on account of his harsh oppressiveness and the paucity of his beneficence, caused him to lose his life. Isn't it tragic!"
Even in death Wu Ch'i managed to execute a successful strategy and gain revenge because he knew that in trying to kill him, his enemies would desecrate the king's body and eventually be executed.
Modern scholars such as Chauncey Goodrich, troubled by the inclusion of such detrimental material as Wu Ch'i killing his wife, have studied the biography in considerable detail and concluded that it is an amalgamation of the disparate, even condemnatory materials probably available to the Grand Historian.22 Opinion is divided about Wu Ch'i's overall historical accomplishments, with much of the biographical record being viewed as romantic embellishment, anachronistic, or simply dubious. However, given the numerous references to Wu-tzu in the extant literature from the two centuries following his death, it seems likely that Wu Ch'i served in the capacities enumerated and was a highly effective strategist and commander. A brief consideration of the more significant stories and anecdotes in these other writings not only provides information about the man and his character but also indicates the important principles generally associated with his name that are illustrated prominently by his lifelong behavior.
Wu Ch'i, who is often mentioned with Lord Shang as emphasizing the role of law and revising government policies to strengthen the state, valued credibility (which can only be established through preserving one's word in complete sincerity) above everything. An anecdote preserved in the Han Fei-tzu, followed by Han Fei-tzu's comments, portrays this paramount commitment:
Wu Ch'i went out and happened to encounter an old friend. He stopped him and invited him to eat dinne
r with him. The friend replied: "I will. In a short time I will go back and eat with you." Wu-tzu said: "I will wait for you to dine." By nightfall the friend had not come, but Wu Ch'i waited for him without eating. Early the next morning he had someone seek out his friend, and only when the friend had come back did he eat with him.
[Han Fei-tzu's comment:] When small acts of faith are achieved, great faith is established. Therefore the wise ruler accumulates good faith. When rewards and punishments are not trusted, prohibitions and ordinances will not be effected. The explanation is seen in Duke Wen attacking Yuan and Chi Cheng rescuing the starving. For this reason Wu Ch'i waited for his friend to eat.23
Another incident from the Han Fei-tzu portrays Wu Ch'i as divorcing his wife for a minor transgression (rather than killing her, as reported in the Shih chi biography) in order to preserve his credibility. His brother-in-law rationalizes this action in terms of a zealous commitment to the law:
Wu Ch'i, who was a native of Tso-shih in Wey, had his wife weave a silk band. When he measured it and found it to be narrower than desired, he had her change it. "I will," she said. When it was complete he measured it again, but the result was still not accurate. Wu Ch'i was enraged. His wife replied: "When I began I set the warp, and it could not be changed." Wu-tzu sent her away. She then asked her older brother to seek her readmission, but her brother said: "Wu Ch'i is a man of law. He works with the laws so that he may attain great achievements in a large state. Therefore he must first put the laws into practice with his wife, and thereafter implement them [in government]. You have no hope of seeking to return." His wife's younger brother was well-favored by Wey's ruler, so she sought the ruler's intercession with Wu-tzu on her behalf. Wu-tzu did not listen but instead left Wey and went to Ching [Ch'u].24
Yet another version of the story perceives her dismissal as resulting from working too assiduously, thereby surpassing-rather than falling short ofwhat Wu Ch'i had required:
Wu Ch'i, showing his wife a silk band, said: "Weave a silk band for me, making it like this." When it was finished he compared them, and the one she had made was especially good. Wu Ch'i said: "I had you weave a silk band, to make it like this one, but now this is especially good. How is that?" His wife replied: "The materials employed are alike, but I concentrated on making it better." Wu Ch'i said: "It is not what I said to do." He had her change her clothes and return [to her family]. Her father went to request [that he take her back], but Wu Ch'i said: "In the Ch'i family there are no empty words!"25
This explanation is in full accord with the Legalist emphasis on not exceeding one's prescribed role, which is generally proclaimed a canonical virtue by military thinkers within the context of battlefield situations.
Another cardinal doctrine of the strategists is the inviolate nature of rewards and punishments because they embody and symbolize the credibility of the administrative system. To motivate men successfully requires not only both rewards and punishments but also the absolute certainty that these will invariably be implemented in every single instance. Wu-tzu believed unflinchingly in the power of the "twin handles," as Lord Shang termed them, and especially in the ability of rewards to motivate men so strongly that they would risk their lives and chance everything. Although instruction, organization, training, and the development of a sense of shame should precede any manipulation of the human spirit, the underlying effect of credibility in attaining a desired objective is well illustrated by the following incident:
When Wu Ch'i was serving as Protector of the West River commandery, [the state of Ch'in] had a small fortified watchtower near the border. Wu Ch'i wanted to attack it for if he did not eliminate it, it would be extremely harmful to the farmers. However, it was not worth summoning armored troops to eliminate it. Therefore he leaned a carriage shaft against the North Gate and issued an ordinance which stated: "Anyone who can move this outside the South Gate will be rewarded with superior lands and an excellent house." For a while no one moved it, then someone did succeed in moving it. Upon his return [from the South Gate], Wu Ch'i rewarded him in accord with the ordinance. Shortly thereafter he set a picul of red beans outside the East Gate and issued an ordinance which stated: "Anyone able to move this outside the West Gate will be rewarded as in the first case." The people competed to move it. Then Wu Ch'i sent down an order: "Tomorrow when we attack the tower, whoever can ascend it first will be [enfeoffed as to-fu26] and rewarded with superior lands and a house." The people fought to race to the tower, attacking and seizing it in a single morning.27
The Shih chi biography states that Wu Ch'i studied with Tseng-tzu; however, because this is chronologically impossible, it was probably Tseng-tzu's son Tseng Shen, with whom Wu Ch'i may have studied for as long as three years.28 If the biography is credible and Tseng Shen condemned Wu Ch'i for blatantly violating the precepts of filial behavior-one of the cornerstones of Tseng-tzu's recension of Confucianism-Wu Ch'i may have rejected formal studies in favor of military pursuits, which were presumably his first inclination. However, throughout the Wu-tzu he advocates policies based on four fundamental Confucian virtues: benevolence, righteousness, the forms of propriety (li), and the Way (Tao) of Heaven. This accords with the new reality of the Warring States period wherein state governments had become significantly dependent on the willing consent and participation of the populace in any military enterprise.29 The famous (probably fabricated) discussion with Marquis Wu while they were floating down the West River, which is recorded in other texts as well, clearly expresses Wu Ch'i's belief in Virtue rather than in simple strategic advantage. Another interview with the marquis at the start of his reign reflects the same concern, but it is coupled with an advocacy of practicing accessible government while retaining political power and preventing the nobles from encroaching on the people:
Marquis Wu asked Wu-tzu about the initial reign year. Wu-tzu replied: "It is said that the ruler of a state must be cautious about the beginning." "How does one go about being cautious about the beginning?" "Make it upright." "How does one make it upright?" "Make wisdom enlightened. If wisdom is not enlightened, how can you perceive the upright? Listen widely and select from what you hear so as to make wisdom enlightened. For this reason in antiquity, when the ruler first held court, the to-fu each had one speech, the officers one audience, and if the common people requested admittance they would be heard. If the nobles made any inquiries they would certainly be answered, and they would not refuse any who came from the four quarters. This can be termed `not plugged up or obscured.' In apportioning salaries they made certain to extend them to everyone, while in the employment of punishments they were invariably accurate. The ruler's mind had to be benevolent. He thought of the ruler's profit and the elimination of the people's harm. This can be termed `not losing the people.' The ruler personally had to be upright, the intimate ministers carefully selected. The to-fu could not hold more than one office concurrently, while the handles for controlling the people did not lie with one clan. This can be referred to as `not [losing] the balance of authority [ch'uan] and strategic power [shih].' This is the meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals and the basis of the initial reign year." 30
A dramatic passage in the Lu-shih Ch'un-ch'iu describes Wu Ch'i's prophetic words as he departed from Wei, providing another version of the story of slander incorporated in the Shih chi biography:
When Wu Ch'i governed the area outside the West River, Wang Ts'o slandered him to Marquis Wu of Wei. Marquis Wu had an emissary summon him. When Wu Ch'i reached the gate on the far shore, he stopped the carriage and rested. As he looked toward the West River, several tears fell from his eyes. His servant addressed him: "I have observed your intentions. You have cast aside the world as if throwing away a pair of straw sandals. Yet now as you leave the West River region you weep. Why is it?" Wu Ch'i wiped the tears away and replied: "You do not understand. If the ruler truly knew me and had me exhaust my abilities, Ch'in could certainly be destroyed, and with the West River region he could become a true king. But now
the ruler listens to the ideas of slanderers and does not know me. It will not be long before the West River region belongs to Ch'in. From henceforth the state of Wei will diminish." Wu Ch'i subsequently left Wei and entered Ch'u. Day by day Wei diminished while Ch'in grew greater every day. This is what Wu Ch'i saw first and wept about.31
Wu Ch'i's radical, emotional commitment to his political beliefs and his desire to exert himself on behalf of the state clearly manifest themselves in such passages.
Several incidents provide glimpses of Wu Ch'i's activities in Ch'u, apparently confirming that King Tao quickly entrusted him with power and influence. Seeking to strengthen the central government and thereby the state and the army, Wu Ch'i proposed policies that invariably antagonized entrenched interests:
Formerly, Wu Ch'i instructed King Tao of Ch'u about Ch'u's customs. "The chief ministers are too powerful, the hereditary lords too numerous. In this sort of situation, above they press upon the ruler while below they oppress the people. This is the Way [Tao] to impoverish the state and weaken the army. It would be better to take back all ranks and emoluments from the hereditary lords after three generations; diminish the salaries and allowances of the hundred officials; and reduce all unnecessary offices in order to support selected, well-trained officers." King Tao had implemented his suggestion for a year when he died. Wu Ch'i was then torn apart in Ch'u.32
Another version of the story in the Lu-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (which dates from the third century B.C.) provides a further explanation of Wu Chi's policy to populate the countryside and emasculate the power of the stagnant nobility:
The Seven Military Classics of Ancient China Page 24
