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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

Page 53

by Bart Schultz


  was of special importance in connection with psychical research, as well

  as with psychology in general. Sidgwick would in later life write that

  “[f]or many years Frederic Myers has been as dear to me as the dearest

  of brothers – there is no one so qualified to enrich and make brighter and

  nobler the lives of those he loves.” No other member of the Sidgwick

  Group, with the possible exceptions of Eleanor Sidgwick and Edmund

  Gurney, had a closer perspective on the evolution of Sidgwick’s thinking

  in this area, and Myers’s own work – including his posthumously published

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  magnum opus, Human Personality and the Survival of Bodily Death (),

  which was dedicated to Sidgwick and Gurney – is a rich mine of material

  for understanding at least the kinds of beliefs to which Sidgwick was drawn

  and with which he was forced to engage. Not surprisingly, Sidgwick, here

  as elsewhere, was always the more skeptical friend.

  In his obituary of Sidgwick, part of which was quoted in Chapter ,

  Myers recalled his own parallel development and the events leading to

  their collaboration:

  My own entry into his inquiry, at any rate, was in an hour of deep inward need.

  “Faith at her zenith, or all but lost in the gloom of doubts that darken the schools”: –

  I had passed through all these stages, and visiting Cambridge again in  to

  examine for the Moral Sciences Tripos, I felt drawn in my perplexities to Henry

  Sidgwick as somehow my only hope. In a star-light walk which I shall not forget

  (December rd, ), I asked him, almost with trembling, whether he thought

  that when Tradition, Intuition, Metaphysic, had failed to solve the riddle of the

  Universe, there was still a chance that from any actual observable phenomena, –

  ghosts, spirits, whatsoever there might be, – some valid knowledge might be drawn

  as to a World Unseen. Already, it seemed, he had thought that this was possible;

  steadily, though in no sanguine fashion, he indicated some last grounds of hope;

  and from that night onwards I resolved to pursue this quest, if it might be, at his

  side. Even thus a wanderer in the desert, abandoning in despair the fair mirages

  which he has followed far in vain, might turn and help an older explorer in the

  poor search for scanty roots and muddy water-holes.

  Myers goes on to admit that his was “a slow and late conversion to

  the sense, which so many men had already reached, of Sidgwick’s pen-

  etrating wisdom.” Still, in the end, only Arthur Balfour and Edmund

  Gurney rivalled him in admiration – the “attitude as of ‘companions of

  Socrates’: – as it were, say, a Kritias of happier omen, a Theages, a

  Simmias, – feeling an essential stimulus to self-development in his intel-

  lectual search, his analysing elenchus; – and feeling also in the steadfastness of his inward aspiration a prophylactic, as each man might need it, against

  dilettantism, or self-indulgence, or despair.” On Myers’s account of it, he

  and Sidgwick “had caught together the distant hope that Science might

  in our age make sufficient progress to open the spiritual gateway which

  she had been thought to close; – to penetrate by her own slow patience

  into the vestibule of an Unseen World.” And they even occasionally re-

  marked with pride that it was the stereotypical English mind and method,

  with its fact-gathering ploddingness, that might at last crack the secret of

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  the universe – “where the German had been satisfied with embracing the

  cloud – where the Frenchman’s logic had lightly accepted negation –

  the dogged Anglo-Saxon might yet wrest some secret from silent Fate.”

  For Myers, no one was more English in this respect than Sidgwick, that

  “veritable incarnation of beneficent wisdom”:

  And Sidgwick possessed, in an almost unique degree, that motive for dogged per-

  sistence which lay in a deep sense of the incurable incoherence of the intelligible

  world, as thus far grasped by men. More thoroughly than any other man known

  to me he had exhausted one after another the traditional creeds, and accredited

  speculations; – had followed out even to their effacement in the jungle the adver-

  tised pathways to truth. Long years of pondering had begotten in him a mood of

  mind alike rare and precious; – a scepticism profound and far-reaching, which yet

  had never curdled into indifference nor frozen into despair.

  In fact, however, Myers would also insist that “Sidgwick was not only

  cautious, systematic, self-controlled, he was also unresting, undeviating,

  inwardly ardent to the end; – possessed, as Plato has it, with that ‘iron sense

  of truth and right’ which makes the least indication of intellectual as well

  as of moral duty fall on the heart as an intimate and urgent command.”

  This somewhat less English-sounding Sidgwick had his “true core” in

  “ardour” rather “than in circumspection, in force of will rather than in

  pondering hesitancy.”

  One suspects that such praise reveals more about Myers than about

  Sidgwick, however. In an  letter to Anne Clough, Sidgwick would

  remark, by way of explaining how Myers’s appreciation of it proved the

  ever-increasing relevance of Arthur Hugh Clough’s poetry, that “Myers

  is a man whose turn of mind is so antagonistic to subtle scepticism that

  he could not have appreciated these poems except that he is, as every

  susceptible youth must be, de son siècle” (M ).

  In many ways, Myers, born in , may have seemed an unlikely

  intimate of Sidgwick’s. Although he had a similar background – a

  clergyman father; well-to-do relatives (including his self-made uncle

  William Whewell); an early sensitivity to and preoccupation with religious

  matters; and a Trinity College, Cambridge education, marked by study of

  classics gradually giving way to an interest in the moral sciences – he was

  certainly far more expressive and hopeful by temperament, and appar-

  ently far more capable of alienating people. Alan Gauld has nicely pointed

  up the contrast: “Sidgwick was ascetic and cool-headed, a political and

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  academic liberal and a practical reformer. Myers, by contrast, was not

  merely a man pulled this way and that by turbulent emotions and irre-

  pressible sensualit
y; he was at this period of his life a snob, a name-dropper,

  an arch-tory.”

  As Gauld further describes him:

  To Myers’ undergraduate contemporaries he appeared an eccentric and a poseur.

  His extreme sensibility led him to express his feelings in an unrestrained way and

  to dramatise scenes and incidents which others were likely to find merely trivial

  or silly. It led also to an arrogance and a vanity which made him widely unpopular,

  for his emotions had to him at times a momentous, cosmic import, and he could

  hardly help regarding himself as singled out by Fate, for some high destiny. His

  pride was augmented by his early successes; and he was perhaps not unaware

  of possessing personal advantages – a tallish (though somewhat plump) figure, a

  handsome face and silky beard, a delicately flexible voice – denied to many others.

  Few liked him, and some detested him. His closest friend during his early years

  at Cambridge was Arthur Sidgwick, a clever young classic in the year above him.

  Their relationship was of an emotional and aesthetic kind, and its intenseness may

  well have caused unfavourable comment, so adding to Myers’ unpopularity.

  That Myers and Arthur Sidgwick were linked to the John Addington

  Symonds circle at this earlier point (from about ), and widely recog-

  nised as intimate, is clear from Symonds’s own letters. And all of them

  shared a similar “Arcadian” development, grounded in the classics. As

  Myers explained:

  That early burst of admiration for Virgil of which I have already spoken was

  followed by a growing passion for one after another of the Greek and Latin poets.

  From ten to sixteen I lived much in the inward recital of Homer, Aeschylus,

  Lucretius, Horace, and Ovid. The reading of Plato’s Gorgias at fourteen was a great event; but the study of the Phaedo at sixteen effected upon me a kind of

  conversion. At that time, too, I returned to my worship of Virgil, whom Homer

  had for some years thrust into the background. I gradually wrote out Bucolics,

  Georgics, Aeneid from memory; and felt, as I have felt ever since, that of all minds

  known to me it is Virgil’s of which I am the most intimate and adoring disciple.

  Plato, Virgil, Marcus Antoninus; – these, to speak summarily, are the three great

  religious teachers of Graeco-Roman antiquity; and the teaching of Plato and that

  of Virgil are in the main identical. Other pathways have now led me to something

  like the creed which they foresaw; but it is still, and more than ever, the support

  of my life.

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  The discovery at seventeen, in an old school-book, of the poems of Sappho,

  whom till then I had only known by name, brought an access of intoxicating joy.

  Later on, the solitary decipherment of Pindar made another epoch of the same

  kind. From the age of sixteen to twenty-three there was no influence in my life

  comparable to Hellenism in the fullest sense of that word. That tone of thought came to me naturally; the classics were but intensifications of my own being. They

  drew from me and fostered evil as well as good; they might aid imaginative impulse

  and detachment from sordid interests, but they had no check for lust or pride.

  When pushed thus far, the “Passion of the Past” must needs wear away sooner

  or later into an unsatisfied pain. In  I travelled in Greece. I was mainly

  alone; nor were the traveller’s facts and feelings mapped out for him then as now.

  Ignorant as I was, according to modern standards, yet my emotions were all my

  own; and few men can have drunk that departed loveliness into a more passionate

  heart.

  Thus it would appear that something astonishingly close to the Oxford

  Hellenism of Symonds was very much alive at Cambridge. Myers was

  quite clear that his Hellenism “was an intellectual stimulus, but in no

  way a moral control. Entirely congenial to my temperament, it urged me

  onwards . . . into intellectual freedom and emotional vividness, but exer-

  cised no check upon either sensuality or pride. Hellenism is the affirmation

  of the will to live; – but with no projection of the desired life into any juster

  or sterner world.” For Myers, Plato was right about love being “an inlet

  into the spiritual world.”

  These “Uranian” connections of the early psychical researchers were

  quite significant, as we shall see again in the next chapter. Arthur, however,

  was also an Apostle, and although he and Henry worked hard to get Myers

  elected, they were unsuccessful in this. Myers would often talk about how

  many of Henry’s “contemporaries and juniors in his early student days”

  regarded him with a certain “coldness” – he was ‘High, self-contain’d,

  and passionless,’ like the mystic Arthur.” But it would seem that Myers

  was the more roundly disliked of the two.

  As noted in Chapter , Myers’s bad reputation was considerably aggra-

  vated by the plagiarism controversy that surrounded his prize poem for

  the Camden Medal competition of , for which he appropriated with-

  out proper acknowledgment (though apparently in good faith) a number

  of lines from a book of earlier Oxford prize poems. The result was that he

  had to return the prize and endure a new crop of enemies, who would keep

  the memory of this event alive for many years to come. Myers himself,

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  in his “Fragments of Inner Life,” is brutally clear that the “swaggering

  folly” of his earlier self made this incident more characteristic than not.

  At any rate, whatever the degree of Sidgwick’s earlier aloofness, Myers

  was clearly the more controversial and disliked figure, in the Cambridge

  of the s, and it is consequently not very surprising that he also ended

  up resigning his lectureship in , though this was apparently in order

  to devote himself more fully to women’s higher education. Eventually, he

  became a school inspector, and after  was assigned to the Cambridge

  district, a turn that proved to be most convenient. Perhaps Sidgwick was

  able to accept him because, as the more senior and philosophically adept

  member of the partnership, he was less exposed to Myers’s overbearing-

  ness than others, and because he had often heard Arthur – who really was

  his “dearest brother” – speak favorably of him. And Myers’s more ex-

  pressive side must have been a complement to Sidgwick’s greater reserve

  and intellectuality. At least, according to Gauld, Myers “was endowed in

  the highest degree with that capacity for delight which, in the wake of the

  Romantic Revival, seemed to many the most essential mark of a poe
t,” and

  the “emotional and poetic side of him felt that everyday events and scenes

  are somehow reflections of a deeper order of things from which they take

  their meaning and by which they are in some obscure way harmonised

  and guided to good ends.” Doubtless this struck a chord in Sidgwick’s

  ultra-poetic soul.

  Gauld’s reading certainly seems right – Myers was always obsessed with

  the “subliminal uprush” of genius, and in his psychological research, at

  least, there was a pronounced, even Nietzschean, sense of the dangers of

  normalization:

  Thus ‘mad-doctors’ tend to supplant theologians, and the lives of lunatics are

  found to have more lessons for us than the lives of saints. For these thinkers

  know well that man can fall below himself; but that he can rise above himself they can believe no more. A corresponding ideal is gradually created; an ideal of mere

  sanity and normality, which gets to look on any excessive emotion or fixed idea, any

  departure from a balanced practicality, with distrust or disfavour, and sometimes

  rising to a kind of fervour of Philistinism, classes genius itself as a neurosis.

  That Myers so evidently supposed himself to have been subject to such

  assaults on passionate, individual genius may suggest why his popularity

  was less than maximal. Yet Myers had real poetic gifts, which Sidgwick

  admired. One his poems, “An Epithalamium,” expresses his admiration for

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  the Sidgwicks, though it is perhaps not numbered among his better-known

  works. Poetically and of course philosophically, his outlook was always

  deeply colored by his Hellenism, especially by his love of Plato and Virgil.

  Again, this was a common bond linking him to the Sidgwicks, Symonds,

  and the Platonic revival of the nineteenth century – “the affirmation of

  the will to live,” in contrast to the “deadness and bitterness” of his more

  agnostic periods. But with Myers, especially, Platonism became a vision

  of cosmic evolution:

  I seem to foresee that the centre of interest must shift from the visible to the

 

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