The Omnibus Homo Sacer

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The Omnibus Homo Sacer Page 55

by Giorgio Agamben


  Philo of Alexandria [1]. Allegorical Interpretation of Genesis II and III (Legum allegoriae), in Philo, trans. F. H. Colson and G. H. Whitaker, vol. 1 (New York: Putnam, 1929).

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  (New York: Putnam, 1929).

  Plato. Cratylus, in Plato, trans. R. G. Bury, vol. 4 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).

  ———. Critias, in Plato, trans. R. G. Bury, vol. 9 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).

  ———. The Republic, ed. G. R. F. Ferrari, trans. Tom Griffith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

  ———. Laws, in Plato, trans. R. G. Bury, vols. 10 and 11 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967–68).

  360

  HOMO SACER II, 3

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  HOMO SACER II, 4

  THE KINGDOM

  AND THE GLORY

  For a Theological

  Genealogy of Economy

  and Government

  TRANSLATED BY LORENZO CHIESA

  (WITH MATTEO MANDARINI)

  Contents

  Translator’s Note

  367

  Preface

  369

  1. The Two Paradigms

  373

  Threshold

  385

  2. The Mystery of the Economy

  387

  Threshold

  417

  3. Being and Acting

  419

  Threshold

  430

  4. The Kingdom and the Government

  432

  Threshold

  467

  5. The Providential Machine

  470

  Threshold

  498

  6. Angelology and Bureaucracy

  502

  Threshold

  521

  7. The Power and the Glory

  523

  Threshold

  549

  8. The Archaeology of Glory

  551

  Threshold

  602

  Appendix: The Economy of the Moderns

  609

  1. The Law and the Miracle

  609

  2. The Invisible Hand

  623

  Bibliography

  633

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  Translator’s Note

  Chapters 1 to 5 were translated by Lorenzo Chiesa. Chapters 6 to 8 and the Ap-

  pendix were drafted by Matteo Mandarini and revised by Lorenzo Chiesa.

  In accordance with the author’s request, after prior consultation of the origi-

  nal works, all quotations were translated into English in line with his own trans-

  lation into Italian, with the notable exception of works originally published in

  English. This also applies to works currently available in English translation, in

  which case translations were consulted, incorporated, and, where appropriate,

  modified. Significant phrases and sentences that do not appear in the existing

  English translations are indicated in braces. I have used the same method to sig-

  nal the few instances in which the author’s personal translation and the English

  version differ substantially. Page references refer to the English translation or,

  failing this, to the original.

  I wish to thank Giorgio Agamben, Tom Baldwin, Emily-Jane Cohen, Mike

  Lewis, Frank Ruda, Danka Štefan, and Alberto Toscano for their valuable sug-

  gestions and for their help in securing access to sources that proved difficult to

  obtain.

  367

  Oeconomia Dei vocamus illam rerum omnium administratione vel gubernationem, qua Deus utitur, inde a conditio mundo usque ad consummationem saeculorum, in

  nominis sui Gloriam et hominum salutem.

  —J. H. Maius, Oeconomia temporum veteris Testamenti

  Chez les cabalistes hébreux, malcuth ou le règne, la dernière des séphiroth, signifiat que Dieu gouverne tout irresistiblement, mais doucement et sans violence, en sorte que

  l’homme croit suivre sa volonté pendant qu’il exécute celle de Dieu. Ils disaient que le

  peché d’Adam avait été truncatio malcuth a ceteris plantis; c’est-à-dire qu’Adam avait rentranché la dernière des séphires en se faisant un empire dans l’empire.

  —G. W. Leibniz, Essais de théodicée

  We must then distinguish between the Right, and the exercise of supreme authority, for they can be divided; as for example, when he who hath the Right, either cannot, or will not be present in judging trespasses, or deliberating of affaires: For Kings sometimes

  by reason of their age cannot order their affaires, sometimes also though they can doe

  it themselves, yet they judge it fitter, being satisfied in the choyce of their Officers and Counsellors, to exercise their power by them.
Now where the Right and exercise are severed, there the government of the Commonweale is like the ordinary government

  of the world, in which God, the mover of all things, produceth natural effects by the

  means of secondary causes; but where he, to whom the Right of ruling doth belong,

  is himselfe present in all judicatures, consultations, and publique actions, there the

  administration is such, as if God beyond the ordinary course of nature, should immedi-

  ately apply himself unto all matters.

  —Th. Hobbes, De Cive

  While the world lasts, Angels will preside over Angels, demons over demons, and men

  over men; but in the world to come every command will be empty.

  —Gloss on 1 Corinthians 15:24

  Acher saw the angel Metatron, who was given permission to sit down and write the

  merits of Israel. He then said: “It is taught that on high there will be no sitting, no

  competition, no back, and no tiredness. Perhaps, God forbid, there are two powers in

  heaven.”

  —Talmud, Hagiga, 15 a

  Sur quoi la fondera-t-il l’économie du Monde qu’il veut gouverner?

  —B. Pascal, Pensées

  Preface

  This study will inquire into the paths by which and the reasons why power in

  the West has assumed the form of an oikonomia, that is, a government of men. It

  locates itself in the wake of Michel Foucault’s investigations into the genealogy

  of governmentality, but, at the same time, it also aims to understand the internal

  reasons why they failed to be completed. Indeed, in this study, the shadow that

  the theoretical interrogation of the present casts onto the past reaches well be-

  yond the chronological limits that Foucault assigned to his genealogy, to the early

  centuries of Christian theology, which witness the first, tentative elaboration of

  the Trinitarian doctrine in the form of an oikonomia. Locating government in

  its theological locus in the Trinitarian oikonomia does not mean to explain it

  by means of a hierarchy of causes, as if a more primordial genetic rank would

  necessarily pertain to theology. We show instead how the apparatus of the Trin-

  itarian oikonomia may constitute a privileged laboratory for the observation of

  the working and articulation—both internal and external—of the governmental

  machine. For within this apparatus the elements—or the polarities—that artic-

  ulate the machine appear, as it were, in their paradigmatic form.

  In this way, the inquiry into the genealogy—or, as one used to say, the

  nature—of power in the West, which I began more than ten years ago with

  Homo Sacer, reaches a point that is in every sense decisive. The double struc-

  ture of the governmental machine, which in State of Exception (2003) appeared

  in the correlation between auctoritas and potestas, here takes the form of the articulation between Kingdom and Government and, ultimately, interrogates

  the very relation—which initially was not considered—between oikonomia and

  Glory, between power as government and effective management, and power as

  ceremonial and liturgical regality, two aspects that have been curiously neglected

  by both political philosophers and political scientists. Even historical studies of

  the insignia and liturgies of power, from Peterson to Kantorowicz, Alföldi to

  Schramm, have failed to question this relation, precisely leaving aside a number

  of rather obvious questions: Why does power need glory? If it is essentially force

  369

  370

  HOMO SACER II, 4

  and capacity for action and government, why does it assume the rigid, cumber-

  some, and “glorious” form of ceremonies, acclamations, and protocols? What is

  the relation between economy and Glory?

  Bringing these questions back to their theological dimension—questions

  that seem to find only trivial answers on the level of political and sociological

  investigations—has allowed us to catch a glimpse of something like the ulti-

  mate structure of the governmental machine of the West in the relation between

  oikonomia and Glory. The analysis of doxologies and liturgical acclamations, of

  ministries and angelical hymns turned out to be more useful for the understand-

  ing of the structures and functioning of power than many pseudo-philosophical

  analyses of popular sovereignty, the rule of law, or the communicative procedures

  that regulate the formation of public opinion and political will. Identifying in

  Glory the central mystery of power and interrogating the indissoluble nexus that

  links it to government and oikonomia will seem an obsolete operation to some.

  And yet, one of the results of our investigation has been precisely to note that

  the function of acclamations and Glory, in the modern form of public opinion

  and consensus, is still at the center of the political apparatuses of contemporary

  democracies. If the media are so important in modern democracies, this is the

  case not only because they enable the control and government of public opinion,

  but also and above all because they manage and dispense Glory, the acclamative

  and doxological aspect of power that seemed to have disappeared in modernity.

  The society of the spectacle—if we can call contemporary democracies by this

  name—is, from this point of view, a society in which power in its “glorious”

  aspect becomes indiscernible from oikonomia and government. To have com-

  pletely integrated Glory with oikonomia in the acclamative form of consensus

  is, more specifically, the specific task carried out by contemporary democra-

  cies and their government by consent,* whose original paradigm is not written in

  Thucydides’ Greek, but in the dry Latin of medieval and baroque treaties on the

  divine government of the world.

  However, this means that the center of the governmental machine is empty.

  The empty throne, the hetoimasia tou thronou that appears on the arches and

  apses of the Paleochristian and Byzantine basilicas is perhaps, in this sense, the

  most significant symbol of power. Here the theme of the investigation touches

  its limit and, at the same time, its temporary conclusion. If, as has been sug-

  gested, there is in every book something like a hidden center, and the book was

  written to reach—or elude—it, then this center is to be found in the final para-

  graphs of Chapter 8. In opposition to the ingenuous emphasis on productivity

  * In English in the original.—Trans.

  THE KINGDOM AND THE GLORY

  371

  and labor that has long prevented modernity from accessing politics as man’s

  most proper dimension, politics is here returned to its central inoperativity, that

  is, to that operation that amounts to rendering inoperative all human and divine

  works. The empty throne, the symbol of Glory, is what we need to profane in

  order to make room, beyond it, for something that, for now, we can only evoke

  with the name zoē aiōnios, eternal life. It is only when the fourth part of the investigation, dedicated to the form-of-life and use, is completed, that the decisive

  meaning of inoperativity as a properly human and political praxis will be able to

  appear in its own light.

  Detail of apse mosaic, Basilica Papale di San Paolo fuori le Mura, Rome. Photograph

  by Luca Marchi.

  1


  The Two Paradigms

  1.1. Let us begin this investigation with an attempt to reconstruct the ge-

  nealogy of a paradigm that has exercised a decisive influence on the de-

  velopment and the global arrangement of Western society, although it has rarely

  been thematized as such outside a strictly theological field. One of the theses

  that we shall try to demonstrate is that two broadly speaking political paradigms,

  antinomical but functionally related to one another, derive from Christian the-

  ology: political theology, which founds the transcendence of sovereign power

  on the single God, and economic theology, which replaces this transcendence

  with the idea of an oikonomia, conceived as an immanent ordering—domestic

  and not political in a strict sense—of both divine and human life. Political phi-

  losophy and the modern theory of sovereignty derive from the first paradigm;

  modern biopolitics up to the current triumph of economy and government over

  every other aspect of social life derive from the second paradigm.

  For reasons that will become clear in the course of the research, the history of

  economic theology, which developed enormously between the second and fifth

  centuries ad, has been left in the shadows not only by historians of ideas but also

  by theologians, to the extent that even the precise meaning of the term has fallen

  into oblivion. In this way, both its evident genetic proximity to Aristotelian

  economy and its likely connection with the birth of the économie animale and

  of political economy in the eighteenth century have remained unquestioned. An

  archaeological study that investigates the reasons for this repression and attempts

  to go back to the events that produced it is all the more necessary.

  א Although the problem of oikonomia is present in countless monographs on individual Church Fathers (Joseph Moingt’s book on the Théologie trinitaire de Tertullien is in this sense exemplary: it contains a relatively comprehensive treatment of this question between the second and third centuries), until Gerhard Richter’s recent work Oikonomia, published when the historical part of the present study had already been completed, we lacked a

  general study of this fundamental theological theme. Marie-José Mondzain’s Image, icône, économie limits itself to analyzing the implications of this concept for the iconoclastic 373

 

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