The ambassador also debated her suitability as queen should the king consider taking her back but thought she was now not suitable due to her fondness of wine and ‘indulging in other excesses’.21 In the Spanish ambassador’s eyes, she had gone from being dull to being over the top. Anne would never make a friend of Chapuys and it seemed as if she could not win, whatever her behaviour. Marillac had also complained at her attitude to the ending of her marriage – ‘she is as joyous as ever, and wears new dresses every day; which argues either prudent dissimulation or stupid forgetfulness of what should so closely touch her heart’.22 But once more rumours were circulating that Henry might still make Anne his queen and Marillac added to them by reporting ‘As to whom the King will take, everyone thinks it will be the lady he has left, who has conducted herself very wisely in her affliction and is more beautiful than she was and more regretted and commiserated than Queen Catherine was in like case’.23
Jane Ratsey, one of Anne’s ladies, was examined by the council for her slanderous conversation with another stated as Elizabeth but probably being Katherine Bassett. Ratsey had idly commented that ‘God is working His own work to make the Lady Anne of Cleves queen again’ to which Bassett replied ‘it was impossible that so sweet a queen as the Lady Anne could be utterly put down’. Ratsey commented ‘What a man the king is! How many wives will he have?’ When interrogated Ratsey explained she had only said what she did on hearing of Katherine’s downfall and ‘was sorry for the change and knew not so much as she knows now’.24
The rumours were compounded by others reporting how close the king had grown to his ‘sister’. Perhaps too close. In December amidst the investigation into Katherine’s behaviour another investigation was ordered but this time it focused on whether Anne had given birth to a son of the king’s. It is strange that Henry would have asked for the situation to be investigated if he had not slept with her but would Anne really have welcomed him to her bed given all that had happened between them, and would Henry have really have slept with his ex-queen when he was happy with Katherine at the time? He may also have just wanted the rumours quashed or to find out if Anne had had an illegitimate child by another man.
Henry felt ‘it requisite to have it groundly [thoroughly] examined, and further ordered by your discretions, as the manner of the case requireth; to inquire diligently, whether the said Anne of Cleves hath indeed had any child or no, as it is bruited [reported], for his majesty hath been informed that it is so indeed, in which part his majesty imputeth a great defaut in her officers, for not advising his highness thereof, if it be true. Not doubting but your lordships will groundly examine the same, and finding out the truth of the whole matter, will advise his majesty thereof accordingly’.25
Members of Anne’s household were interrogated including Dorothy Wingfield and Jane Ratsey again and those of the king’s. Richard Taverner, a clerk of the signet office and Mrs Frances Lilgrave, Anne’s lady and a court embroiderer ‘were imprisoned three days ago for having said, since the Queen’s misbehaviour was published, that the whole thing seemed a judgment of God, for the lady of Cleves was really the King’s wife, and that though the rumour had been purposely spread that the King had had no connection with her, the contrary might be asserted, as she was known to have gone away from London in the family way, and had been confined last summer, - a rumour which has been widely circulated’.26
The council took the matter seriously and reported back to the king:
We examined, also, partly before dinner and partly after, a new matter, being a report that the lady Anne of Cleves should be delivered of a fair boy, and whose should it be but the king’s majesty’s? which is a most abominable slander, and for this time necessary to be met withal. This matter was told to Taverner of the Signet, more than a fortnigh ago, both by his mother-in-law (Lambert’s wife, the goldsmith), and by Taverner’s own wife, who saith he heard it of Lilgrave’s wife, and Lambert’s wife heard it also of the old lady Carew. Taverner kept it (concealed it), but they (the women) with others have made it common matter of talk. Taverner never revealed it till Sunday night, at which time, he told it to Dr. Cox to be further declared if he thought good, who immediately disclosed it to me the lord privy seal. We have committed Taverner to the custody of me the bishop of Winchester; like wise Lambert’s wife (who seemeth to have been a dunce in it), to Mr. the chancellor of the augmentations.27
The council completed their interviews. Anne was never interrogated and it was decided these were just malicious rumours. The mention of old Lady Carew gives reason to believe that Wymonde Carew, Anne’s disgruntled servant, may have been behind them. What is extraordinary about the whole matter is that Henry thought it worth investigating. Other people certainly believed Anne had had at least one child by the king possibly two and there are some who claim they are Anne’s descendants even today.
Anne’s brother William had heard the news of Katherine Howard’s fall and immediately thought to press for Anne’s restoration. Olisleger was instructed to write to Cranmer and the Lord Privy Seal for their support. Ambassador Harst dutifully passed on the letters but neither man wanted to become involved. Cranmer was well aware that Cromwell had died because of his involvement in the Cleves marriage. He was not about to support a situation that could lead to his own downfall. Harst tried to see the king back in November but was not granted an audience. When he finally addressed the council on 14 December:
After declaring his master’s thanks for the King’s liberality to his sister, prayed them [to find] means to reconcile the marriage and restore her to the estate of queen. They answered, on the King’s behalf, that the lady should be graciously entertained and her estate rather increased than diminished, but the separation had been made for such just cause that he prayed the Duke never to make such a request. The ambassador asking to have this repeated, Winchester, with every appearance of anger, said that the King would never take back the said lady and that what was done was founded upon great reason, whatever the world might allege. The ambassador dared not reply, for fear that they might take occasion to treat her worse…28
The decision was final. Henry would never take back Anne. Some historians believe that Anne held out hope of remarriage and was disappointed but given she had a new lease of life as the king’s sister and had felt the fear and terror of having displeased the king and kept her head, it is hardly likely she would risk everything again even if her brother believed it in her best interest.
Katherine Howard
Chapter Seven
The King’s Sister
1542–1546
Anne and Henry had exchanged New Year’s gifts but seldom saw each other. In January Henry heard of a book that had been published in France The Remonstrance of Anne of Cleves which depicted Anne as a wronged sorrowful woman. It spoke to Henry – ‘Let him then take pity of her scalding tears and show compassion for her sorrow. Let him give place to her great and perfect love, and grant that by his kindness she may live content. Let him retain this his most humble servant, this his creature, who was only born for him; and let him not use such cruelty as that she, without having done him any ill or offence, should be repudiated and divorced, and so rendered the most miserable and unfortunate wife in the whole world’.1
And even had Anne contemplating suicide ‘the law forbids her doing violence to herself, to send her soul back to heaven whence it came; yet she cannot live in the world without dying daily in deaths far more cruel than words can describe’.2 It roused great sympathy for her but Henry wanted it suppressed. Written by John of Luxembourg, son of the Count of Brienne, it was printed in France late 1541. By the time Henry saw it, it had been widely distributed but William Paget, once Anne’s secretary, was sent over to Francis I to stop its circulation. The wily French king pretended he knew nothing of the book but agreed to suppress it adding ‘the lady Anne is yet of age to bear children, and albeit the wind hath been contrary it may fortune to turn’.3 Francis I was now allied to Cleves through William
’s marriage to Jeanne d’Albret, his niece and would support Anne’s remarriage to Henry if it came about.
Marillac, the French ambassador, had advised Karl Harst to wait until Katherine Howard’s fate was decided before again pressing the king to marry Anne. There was European interest now as to whether Cleves would once more be allied with England and he gave the Queen of Navarre, mother of Jeanne d’Albret, a good report of Anne:
All her affairs could never make her utter a word by which one might suppose that she was discontented; nay, she has always said she wished nothing but what pleased the King her lord; thus showing an example of rare patience in dissembling passions common to everyone, which could only come of singular grace of God and a heart resolved to accept what could not be remedied. She has behaved, with her household, so wisely that those who visit her marvel at such great virtue, others who hear of it are loud in her praise, and all regret her much more than they did the late Queen Katharine.4
The council’s decision had been final but Harst had letters from German princes supporting a remarriage. After talking to Marillac it was decided to wait for Francis I’s permission before he presented them to the king. Charles V wrote to Chapuys that he had heard ‘some talk of Henry taking back Anne of Cleves, which must, if possible, be prevented’.5 But with shifting political alliances, permission was not given and once again the subject was dropped – this time for good.
Katherine Howard’s fate however had been decided. On 10 February 1542 Katherine was taken by barge from Syon Abbey to the Tower of London, passing under London Bridge where the heads of Dereham and Culpeper looked down on her. The poor girl was terrified and had to be assisted to the Tower where ‘she weeps, cries and torments herself miserably without ceasing’.6 On the evening of 12 February, she was told to make ready her soul and prepare for death. She then asked for the block to be brought to her so that she would know how to position herself. The next morning she was led out ‘The Queen was so weak that she could hardly speak, but confessed in few words that she had merited a hundred deaths for so offending the King who had so graciously treated her’.7 Her execution was swift and her body was taken to the Chapel of St Peter ad Vincula for burial. Jane Boleyn followed her to the block. Although she had been declared insane at the beginning of the year, the king saw her as implicit in the downfall of his queen. Being mad she could not stand trial but Henry passed a law which meant the insane could be executed for high treason. The unfortunate woman was buried close to her mistress.
Henry spent the day hunting at Waltham and then returned to Whitehall for three days of Lenten feasts. He was in a much better mood receiving the court ladies ‘with much gaiety’.8 Anne was ill in March with tertian fever and he sent his good wishes and his doctors but that was all. He had no need to see his ex-wife especially when she was sick. Anne was suffering ill health on and off and it may have been through the strain of ongoing renegotiations of her marriage. At one point Dr Butts prepared a remedy for her of chamomile, hyssop and linseed ‘to mollify, resolve, comfort and cease pain of cold and windy causes’.9 Her relationship with her receiver Wymonde Carew had improved enough for him to be really concerned for her. She was troubled that she had no response to her enquiries about Henry’s health and wished for some cramp rings. Cramp rings were known as a cure for many illnesses including epilepsy and convulsions and blessed by the King on Good Friday. Carew wrote to John Gates of the privy chamber to ask his brother-in-law Anthony Denny to see if Henry would contact her telling him he felt ‘not best at ease’10 at Anne’s discomfort. What her actual illness was then we don’t know.
But the news that was to come in the summer would not make her life any easier. Mary of Hungary wrote to Chapuys:
Francis is daily increasing his army on the Luxemburg frontier, and the infantry force which his ministers have raised on the side of Cleves and Gueldres. We have remonstrated through the Imperial ambassador and asked if he mean to observe the truce of Nice. But he only says that the assembly on the frontier of Cleves is for defence, not invasion, as long as we do not give him occasion, for he hears Henry is about to make alliance with the Emperor and the Count de Roculx is meditating an attack on some French towns. He has also sent a gentleman to give us notice that he intends sending his own officers to St. Pol to administer justice, and collect the revenue a formal demonstration that he means war. We have therefore ordered the immediate levy of 25,000 foot and 4,000 horse, with which force, and that of the King of England’s subjects in those parts, we hope to defend our frontiers. We have discovered treacherous dealings here and there to surprise towns and fortresses.11
Anne worried over her brother William who supported by Francis I declared war on Charles V in July after a long running dispute over Guelders. Whilst Francis’ men attacked Luxembourg and Perpignan, William’s troops under the command of Maarten van Rossum, the ‘Guelders Atilla’12 travelled through the Brabant region ‘sacking, destroying, and setting fire to the houses and fields of the poor peasantry’13 before laying siege to Antwerp. There were many English merchants in the city, many who had welcomed Anne on her journey to England, and Henry was asked for his help to ensure their safety but he had no wish to involve himself with a war against the Holy Roman Emperor. In fact he was secretly negotiating with Charles V against France and would sign a treaty with him the following year. The siege failed and the merchants of Antwerp were safe. William’s troops continued to battle against the emperor’s forces and in November there was a report that Juliers ‘had been ravaged and desolated with fire and plunder by the Imperial forces’.14
Anne had a quiet Christmas while she waited for news of her family but was moved from her melancholy in March when Henry sent a message he would like her company at Hampton Court. She stayed for three days but Chapuys reported the king saw her only once and ‘paid little attention to her’.15 Back at Richmond she heard of Charles V’s proclamation against her brother ‘the duke of Clèves has not only allied himself with the enemies of the Holy Empire and Christian Republic, but has also so accustomed himself and his ministers to the manners and ways of those enemies, that he cannot speak one word of truth… What other proof does Germany require of the Duke’s bad faith, and hostile intentions, than his refutation of the truce, and his notorious alliance [with the French], in order to prevent any resistance against the Turk, the ally and confederate of the latter, to keep the whole of Germany in trouble and contention, and thereby impede the peace and welfare of Christendom?’16 She knew her brother would cling on to his right to Guelders until the last but the war was not going well for him and she could only wonder where it would lead.
Henry had granted Anne permission to see the Princess Mary and she welcomed her to Richmond in June. Anne was twenty-eight, Mary twenty-seven and the women had much to talk about it. It was a lovely break from the news of war in the Low Countries and her solitude at the palace. Mary was so pleased with her stay that she gave presents of money to Anne’s officers and servants.
Had they heard the rumours that Henry was set to marry again and to the sister of one of Mary’s women? Henry had his eye on Katherine Parr from at least February when he first gifted her pleats and sleeves and ordered gowns for her in the Italian fashion though she was a married woman. Katherine was the daughter of Sir Thomas Parr, a descendant of Edward III. She had been widowed at the age of sixteen but two years later was proposed to by Lord Latimer of Snape Castle in Yorkshire. She often attended court with her husband but by 1543 it was well known that her husband was unwell and had not long to live. After her husband died she hoped to marry Sir Thomas Seymour, brother of Henry’s third wife, but it was not to be. Henry had him sent as an ambassador to Brussels. His rival was now out of the way.
Katherine had no real desire to become the next queen of England but Henry courted her as a wounded soul ‘sad, pensive and sighing’.17
To become Henry’s sixth wife was even more dangerous than it had been. The Act of Attainder that condemned Katherine Howard
also stated that ‘an unchaste woman marrying the King shall be guilty of high treason’.18 It was no secret that Henry would take no more chances with his wives and if they proved unfaithful they would be executed. Katherine Parr had been married twice before so was not exactly ‘a pure and chaste maid’ but her family were loyal to the crown and had served past and present kings. Henry had had enough of foreign princesses and the changing alliances they brought with them. He was determined to marry an English lady.
On 12 July 1543 the thirty-one year old Katherine Parr became the aging Henry’s sixth wife. Henry by now had grown ‘very stout and daily growing heavier, he seems very old and grey… three of the biggest men to be found could get inside his doublet’.19 The Princess Mary was invited to the wedding along with her siblings, not so Anne. It was a quiet wedding held in the Queen’s Closet at Hampton Court Palace with Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, officiating. Only twenty of their closest family and friends attended.
Katherine would prove to be the soothing balm to Henry’s temper taking as her motto ‘To be useful in all I do’. But she was also clever and astute improving Henry’s relationship with his children and becoming a supporter of the ‘new religion’. Wriothesley wrote ‘the king’s majesty was married on Thursday last to my lady Latimer, a woman, in my judgement, for virtue, wisdom and gentleness most meet for his highness; and sure I am his majesty had never a wife more agreeable to his heart than she is. The Lord grant them long life and much joy together’.20
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