by Oliver North
“No problems. Just a long drive from Damascus with ‘The Salesman,’” said Newman, using the agreed-upon cover name for Eli Yusef Habib. “He's gone to his daughter's house, but I have his phone number if I need him in a hurry. His son has gone to do some checking on where we might find our three customers.”
“I understand. There's another piece of news that could affect your...uh...sales trip. I just got a cable from MacDill that a joint operation we've been planning with the Brits went down earlier tonight. The good news is that it succeeded...but the bad news is that it may result in even greater than normal scrutiny of foreigners in Iraq.”
“What was it?”
“It was a prison break.” Grisham was still reading the message with the bold heading: FLASH/TOP SECRET. “With a little help from one of our CENTCOM units on a ‘training mission' in Saudi Arabia, the Brits rescued four of their POWs from an Iraqi prison at Salman Pak. We thought they were all airmen and that we were also going to get two Americans out with them. Unfortunately, we didn't get the Americans...but the good news is that the Brits say one of the POWs is an SAS captain named Macklin and that he was captured three years ago following your UN operation. Does the name ring a bell?”
There was a long silence on the line.
“Yes! He was one of my...my best, uh, programmers...and I'm glad to know he's still...uh...in the business. Please give him my congratulations on his promotion...and be sure to ask him if he can give me any...ah, advice about my sales territory.”
“I understand, Pete, will do. I'll make sure each of the rescued POWs are asked. They're all resting right now, after a shower and hot meal. We'll start debriefing them in the morning in Riyadh. I've asked the Brits to hold off on any announcement about their rescue for at least forty-eight hours, to buy you some time. Once the news of POWs in Iraq becomes public, the regime will deny that they were ever there and claim it's some kind of British trick or publicity stunt, but they're also likely to clamp down even tighter on travel to keep the UN inspectors and the international press from poking around.”
“Well, thank you for the update. I don't guess there's anything new...on the home front?”
“I'm sorry, Pete. Nothing new on Rachel, but be assured we're still doing all we can.”
“I have to believe that you are—otherwise I wouldn't be able to...I have some interesting news for the home office.”
“Yeah, go ahead,” said Grisham.
“You know the gentleman I was working with whose wife has the same problem as mine?”
“Yes.”
“Well, he called me on the other sat phone a few minutes ago, the one his marketing organization gave me. He asked me if I was enjoying my stay at the Al Rashid Hotel...and told me he knew the three customers I'm here to see.”
Grisham was silent for a moment. “I'm not surprised that they know where you are. We should have removed their tracking device from your foot before sending you in. What bothers me, though, is that the Israelis have knowledge of your mission. Did he refer specifically to the nukes?”
“Yes. In an oblique way, of course.”
“Had you ever mentioned anything about the nukes to Rotem or anyone else in his unit while the two of you were looking for your wives?”
“No. But now he's telling me to forget about my business here and to come home early. It sounded like a warning.”
“Then we have a leak. It may be at MacDill—but I doubt it—it's more likely here in Turkey. And what's worse, if Rotem knows, that means the Israelis are also looking for the nukes.”
“Why is that a problem?”
“Because loose nukes would make the Israelis nervous. And unless the weapons are found and disabled very soon, they're more likely to act preemptively on their own. They can't afford to take the chance that Saddam, Hezbollah, Al-Qaida or someone else gets their hands on these things first. Israel has made it known—at least to the United States— that they have a ‘first strike' plan they'll use if they believe their country is threatened with imminent attack by a weapon of mass destruction—particularly if it's nuclear. Rotem's comments to you suggest the Israelis may be planning a nuclear strike on Iraq.”
“Oh, man—” There was a long pause. “Any idea how much time we have?”
“No. Has Eli Yusef or Samir been able to make contact with the people there that they believe could be helpful to you?”
“Not yet. We're supposed to meet tomorrow. Let's hope the meeting is successful and that I can be introduced to our three customers.”
“I'm going to pray that Eli Yusef and Samir come up with something quickly because now I'm going to have to inform Washington.”
“Why? You told me we couldn't trust the people there.”
“We can't. And I don't want to. But I have no choice. My duty requires me to warn the Pentagon that the Israelis may be preparing for a nuclear attack on Iraq.”
The Knesset
Jerusalem, Israel
Monday, 23 March 1998
0045 Hours, Local
It had been a particularly contentious meeting of the War Cabinet, and the Prime Minister was still in his office when the red phone on the credenza behind his desk began to ring. He looked at the clock on the wall labeled “Washington,” noted that it read 1745, and picked up the handset of the telephone that connected the Israeli Head of State to the top echelons of the U.S. government. The secure phone system had been installed after the 1967 Six-Day War at the request of Lyndon Johnson and had been upgraded every few years since then. Unlike the hot line between Moscow and Washington, this phone system had several extensions and was used routinely by senior officials in both governments as a shortcut for issues deemed too sensitive for their respective embassies. As he put the receiver to his ear, the operator said, “Sir, it is the American Secretary of State for you.”
I wonder what brings the Secretary of State to work on a Sunday in Washington, he thought.
“Madam Secretary...to what do I owe the honor of your call?”
“I hope I didn't wake you, Mr. Prime Minister, but I'm calling because of a grave matter that has just come to my attention.”
“Oh?”
“Mr. Prime Minister, I am deeply concerned that Israel may be planning a preemptive nuclear strike against Iraq because of some misguided belief that Iraq has somehow obtained nuclear weapons. The President has asked me to call you and to tell you that this is totally unacceptable to the United States and such an action risks all-out war in the Middle East. You must make certain that such an act does not take place.”
If the Prime Minister was shocked to hear the topic of his late-night meeting with his closest advisors as the subject of a call from the American Secretary of State, his voice didn't betray his concern.
“Madam Secretary...the United States is welcome to communicate its concerns to Israel, and you know we always listen. But you also know that ultimately we are the ones who must live with any serious decisions affecting our national security. Please convey my appreciation to the President, but tell him that Israel stands by its policies of self-defense, and that we will do everything necessary to prevent an attack upon Israel's sovereignty and its people, especially regarding weapons of mass destruction by a nation that has publicly called for our annihilation.”
“But Mr. Prime Minister, we are only asking for restraint. We have no evidence that Iraq has such weapons. And even if they do, I am certain that the United Nations can address this matter before it gets completely out of hand.”
“Madam Secretary, forgive my candor, but the UN is part of the problem, not the solution. They are letting this madman thumb his nose both at them and at the United States. Saddam has been given ultimatum after ultimatum, and he ignores them all. If the United Nations and the United States want to prevent, as you say, ‘all-out war in the Middle East,' then I suggest you ask the President to do something immediately about Iraq's recklessness and its drive to acquire and use weapons of mass destruction. So far, I don't think t
he President has shown much thoughtful or forceful leadership in that direction.”
The former IDF paratrooper-turned-politician took a breath and softened his voice a little.
“Look...the White House did nothing when the Iraqis invaded the northern provinces in '95. It just stood by and let Saddam destroy the Kurds and the INC opposition. This past year alone, Saddam has executed more than fifteen thousand political prisoners, and we didn't hear any UN human rights protests over that. Think of it! He killed fifteen thousand people, thousands tortured before they were killed. And when their relatives were called in to claim the bodies, Saddam made them pay for the bullets used to kill their loved ones before the bodies would be released.
“In the three years since the invasion of the north, the White House has done virtually nothing to stop Saddam from building weapons of mass destruction. Saddam has made a joke of the UN weapons inspectors. Contrary to the UN resolutions and the terms of the Gulf War cease-fire agreement, Saddam has gotten away with whatever he wants.
“I suggest that, if the White House really wanted to prevent all-out war in the Middle East, then you should talk to whomever it was that told you about our supposed plans. Ask them who is going to stop Saddam from launching nuclear and biological or chemical weapons on Israel if we don't. Ask them what they are doing to stop Saddam. I predict you will come up with the same answers that I have—that no one else is willing to take the measures that we're willing to take.
“Madam Secretary, Israel was asked to show restraint during the Gulf War. When Scud missiles fell in our cities and villages, we did not respond in kind—because the United States asked us to show restraint. Lives were lost. Israelis died in those attacks...still we did not retaliate. We have waited seven years, Madam Secretary, for the United States to come up with a satisfactory plan to bring stability and peace to the Middle East by doing away with all of Iraq's WMD programs, and getting rid of Saddam. Yet now, when we're in imminent danger of a nuclear attack, you call on us once again to show restraint?”
The United States Secretary of State stammered something about having to consider what effect Israel's actions would have on the entire region, but she offered no alternatives to the Prime Minister's points. “B-but such things take time,” was all she managed to say.
“Madam Secretary, we are patient people. We understand that things take time. But we are running out of time because of the inaction of those we call our allies.
“I understand that the United States CENTCOM is trying to locate the nuclear weapons that Saddam acquired several years ago. Such an effort is commendable, but it should have been done long ago. If your military succeeds in finding the nuclear weapons and removes the threat in the next seventy-two hours, Israel will have no need to act in self-defense. Quite frankly, Madam Secretary, our people don't believe the CENTCOM efforts have much hope of success at such a late hour—and we cannot give the White House the luxury of doing nothing. We must, and will, take action.”
There was a pause on the line. Did the Secretary not know of CENTCOM's mission?
“Aren't you thinking of the CIA when you mention efforts to locate nuclear weapons in Iraq?” she asked.
“I am told your CIA's efforts have been totally unsuccessful, and that is why your military is now involved.”
“CENTCOM? You heard it was CENTCOM?”
“Yes. We have our ears to the ground in many places because for us it is a matter of survival. We are few, and our enemies are many, and all around.”
Another long silence. “Well, I'll pass this on to the President. He may want to call you himself. Thank you for your time.”
The Prime Minister hung up the phone and buzzed his aide.
“Please ask Security to bring my car. I want to go home.”
He stood and walked over to the large window overlooking Eli'Ezer Kaplan Street and stared off in the distance toward the western suburbs of Jerusalem. The city was quiet, most of its population already asleep. He was grateful the City of David was peaceful tonight. He had made a promise to God that he would do everything in his power to protect Israel. And he knew the sleeping citizens of Jerusalem were expecting him to do exactly that.
The State Department
Washington, D.C.
Sunday, 22 March 1998
1805 Hours, Local
The Secretary of State sat and thought for a few minutes about what she had just heard. Then she turned to her secure notebook computer and drafted a terse message.
TOP SECRET/FLASH
EYES ONLY FOR: THE PRESIDENT
THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
DIR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
SUBJECT: ISRAELI MILITARY PLANS
THE PRIME MINISTER OF ISRAEL INFORMED ME AT 6 P.M. EST THAT U.S. CENTRAL COMMAND HAS AN EFFORT UNDERWAY TO LOCATE AND RECOVER NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN IRAQ. HE INTIMATED THAT IF THE EFFORT DOES NOT SUCCEED IN 72 HOURS, ISRAEL IS PREPARED TO LAUNCH A PREEMPTIVE NUCLEAR ATTACK ON IRAQ.
She didn't bother to suggest what U.S. government actions needed to be taken, nor did she include copies to the Vice President or the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. After reviewing the text, she simply sent it via a secure e-mail link to the State Department's message center, just down the hall from her office, where it would be distributed.
She was still fuming over the embarrassment of learning about an incredibly sensitive U.S. operation being carried out in the Middle East—from the Prime Minister of Israel, no less! Most powerful nation on earth, and I have to sit still for a dressing-down by the Israeli PM. She clicked the Logoff button on her screen and closed the notebook computer, then shoved it hastily into her briefcase.
It was shaping up to be a hectic week. She walked out of her office complex toward the elevator that would take her downstairs to the security desk, where her driver and security detail were waiting.
But as she got to the elevator, she began to have misgivings about the message she had drafted.
Before that message is distributed, I'd better check to make sure that business about CENTCOM is true.
She returned down the hall to her office suite. Depositing her briefcase on the desk in the reception area, she went into her inner office. When she got to her desk, she picked up the phone and called the Communications Center. The duty officer answered on the fifth ring.
“What took so long?”
“Sorry, ma'am. We're trying to locate the Sec Def and the DCI so we can send out that Flash/Eyes Only cable you sent us.”
“Have you sent it out yet?”
“No, ma' am.”
“Good, hold it. Don't send it until I tell you to.” She hung up and picked up the red phone that connected her directly to the White House signal operator.
“Connect me to the Commander in Chief of CENTCOM.”
“Yes, ma'am. Wait one.”
Several minutes passed.“Ma'am, the Command Center at MacDill informs me General Grisham is out of the country and is not expected back for three or four days.”
“Then track him down and get him on the line for me.”
“Ma'am, he's in Incirlik, Turkey...there's a seven-hour time difference...it's after midnight there. Do you still want to call?”
“Yes. And hurry up.”
Finally, the call went through.
“Hello...General George Grisham speaking. What can I do for you, Madam Secretary?”
“General, I just concluded a telephone call with the Prime Minister of Israel. He informed me that the United States Central Command has some kind of covert operation underway in Iraq, looking for nuclear bombs.”
She waited.
“Did the Prime Minister say where he got that information, ma'am?”
“No. I expect he got it from Mossad. Is it true?”
“What's true, ma'am, is that I have CENTCOM military personnel operating over, around, and inside Iraq every day. And nearly every day some of my pilots get shot at in the skies over Iraq.”
“So, General,” she said angrily
, “exactly how many military personnel do you have on the ground in Iraq at this minute?”
There was a long pause, and then Grisham replied, “One. His name is Newman. He's a Marine officer.”
“A Marine officer named Newman? Did this plan originate in the White House or the Pentagon?”
“Neither. It originated with me, as part of the authority given me as Commander in Chief of CENTCOM operations in the Middle East.It's a military operation within my purview of operations. It is highly classified, and lives are at risk.”
“Who else knows about it?”
“Respectfully—why do you ask, ma'am?”
“If you're running a secret operation in Iraq, you've crossed the line, General. You are now into areas of international diplomacy. You had no right to take this on without White House or Pentagon approval. From what I gather, you haven't informed either office—is that true?”
“Madam Secretary, the reason why this operation is so closely held is that—”
“I don't care about the reasons. Listen to me, General...the decision to put Americans on the ground in a hostile country should only be made with the knowledge of the President, with input from the State Department, and with notice given to the United Nations. I want you to stop your meddling—right now! Get your men out of Iraq and stay out of the way. Israel is making my life miserable as it is. I don't need our own military to add to my troubles. Do you understand?”
There was a long pause.
“Madam Secretary, I want you to understand something. I am neither usurping your responsibilities nor encroaching in areas of diplomacy.”
The general's voice was calm and quiet. It put the Secretary even more on guard.
“God knows I have plenty to do with my own job description. However, if I may speak freely, you're overstepping your authority. I am conducting military operations here...not diplomatic missions. I am charged with making sure that conflicts between the nations of the Middle East don't escalate and get worse on my watch. To that end, I sent out a flash message less than an hour ago, notifying my government that Israel may be planning a preemptive nuclear strike on Iraq. It is my belief that if I can find the weapons that Israel is justifiably concerned about, we may just be able to prevent such an attack. I believe this to be within the scope of my duties and responsibilities. Now, if you disagree, Madam Secretary, I suggest that you take the matter up with the Commander in Chief and the Secretary of Defense. That's my chain of command. If either of them wishes to modify my assigned duties, I will, of course, obey those orders. In the meantime, Madame Secretary, the Iraqi mission stays on track.”
