Thomas Harvey was so stunned that he made no objection. Only on the way back to the embassy did he think of all the things he should have said in response. He also realized that something extraordinary had happened and that he’d have to use every intelligence resource the embassy had to find out what was really going on.
***
The Foreign Minister was in a hurry. The government was meeting in fifteen minutes and he did not want to be late. Traffic in Jerusalem was light. He thought that people were still stunned by the mid-morning announcement and preferred to stay home after work listening to the radio or watching TV, hoping to learn something new.
“Shimon,” he addressed his driver, “how are things going with you?”
After several years of spending time together in the car they had a friendly relationship. Shimon, representing public opinion, was a good sounding board for ideas that the Foreign Minister wanted to check out before proposing them to the government.
“Fine,” the driver responded. “We were wondering, my wife and I, why we hear so much jamming on the radio. It reminds me of the Soviet Union in its glory days. And speaking of old times, should we expect food shortages soon?”
“Well, as you know we are surrounded by lots of hostiles, the chief being the Nazis, not too far away. I assume we will stop the jamming as soon as we figure out another way of preventing critical information from getting out. As to food: I don’t think we will have shortages, but there will be changes. For example, most of our long-range fishing fleet is back in the future, so don’t expect to see much canned tuna or any other deep sea fish on the shelves.”
The minister was glad to see they were arriving at the government building. These were questions he did not want to contemplate. He had enough problems of his own.
***
Amos Nir looked at the full cabinet. It did not include members of the opposition. They were expected to join after negotiations, but that would take a couple of days, maybe weeks. The elections two years ago had given his party almost forty percent of the seats in the Knesset, so he did not have to pay too high a price for a stable coalition. As of now, his was one of the smallest governments ever – only seventeen ministers, all present today.
“Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to open this meeting by summarizing the discussion of the previous Defense Cabinet meeting.” The previous meeting had been only several hours earlier, but it seemed an eternity.
“We decided to make an immediate public announcement about our strange temporal status. There was really no choice about it. Anybody with a radio would be able to receive broadcasts on the AM band and conclude fairly quickly that those from outside the country were not coming from our time. This is especially true for the segment of our population that speaks several languages – which is most of us. People with satellite TV lost their reception and will soon discover there are no satellites. Our border villages can look out their windows and see changes. Withholding this information would only have damaged our credibility and caused panic. We really need the trust of the people now.
“The government decided to immediately suspend our transmissions on all civilian bands and start jamming all private outgoing radio transmissions to prevent sensitive information from getting to our enemies.”
Amos went on for a couple more minutes and finally announced: “We will have the military report now. The Chief of General Staff is a bit busy, so Colonel Gilead will do the honors.”
Gilead briefly summarized the events: “Our offer of assistance to the British in Lebanon, which was agreed upon at the last cabinet meeting, was accepted. The intervention against Vichy forces in Syria is going well. We estimate that the French will surrender in a couple of days. They literally don’t know what hit them. The orders to our Air Force were to attack with high altitude weapons or if that was impossible, to make low altitude passes at supersonic speeds.
“We used missiles to shoot down six Luftwaffe fighters. This will prevent reports of strange planes in case the pilots survived. We don’t think any of the pilots survived. The Vichy air force was nowhere to be seen. General Wilson was smart enough to comply with our request to keep the RAF away. We didn’t want interference or them estimating our abilities, and he didn’t want to lose more planes.”
The P.M. thanked Gilead for his presentation. “I think that now is the time to discuss the issues left open from this morning’s Cabinet meeting. Please feel free to raise any questions you find of interest.”
In the next hour or so the discussion focused on supply problems. The country needed to be fed and fueled. The reserves of refined fuels were enough for several months, longer with rationing. Natural gas for electricity was cut off and coal was in short supply, only enough for two months. Some of the power stations could be converted fairly quickly to use heavy fuel oil, of which there were more significant stocks. Natural gas supplies could be restored, but that would take some time – the production platforms and pipes were lost in the Event. Food was also available; Israel was self-sufficient in dairy products, eggs, vegetables, some fruits, and almost self-sufficient in grain. Most of the Mediterranean fishing boats were in port during the Event and were still available, though it was thought prudent not to let them sail the open sea in view of possible entanglements with the Royal Navy. The reserves of other foodstuffs would last at least two months. Based on the assumption that they were stuck in this time, the government made several strategic decisions aimed at providing food and energy in the long term and decided to appoint a committee of three ministers to deal with the problems that would inevitably arise.
Several ministers from the left-leaning coalition party argued for an immediate imposition of rationing on food, fuel and electricity. The Finance Minister argued against these draconian measures. She explained that in the absence of a real shortage, rationing would create a black market and stockpiling of goods, which in turn would create real shortages. “Rationing is justified only if and when we have a real supply problem, which we are not likely to have if our plans succeed. If we see that such a problem is about to surface, we will take appropriate action.” She smiled her engaging smile and waited for opposing views. None volunteered to argue with the nice lady – she was charming but had no patience for stubborn fools.
People started shuffling their feet and preparing for the meeting to be formally closed.
“We have one other item of business that cannot wait,” the P.M. said. The room slowly became quiet again. “I have to remind you that today is Friday, June 20, 1941. The day after tomorrow, on Sunday, June 22, at 3:15 in the morning, Germany will attack the Soviet Union.”
“Do you propose that we prevent this attack?” one of the ministers asked.
“No. I don’t think we can do that, but there is a consequence of this attack that I would very much like to prevent.” Amos Nir looked at each one of the people around the oval conference table. Some of the ministers were already nodding in agreement, a few looked aghast. Only one looked like he did not know what Amos was talking about.
The discussion following his explanation of what he had in mind was tumultuous. At one point it became so loud that one of the guards outside the room opened the door and looked in. The P.M.’s secretary waved to him that everything was OK. Finally the P.M. stopped the discussion and called for a vote. He had a comfortable majority on his side, but only on the condition that he got cabinet approval for any military steps that would likely become necessary. His next move was to make sure that there would be no trouble from the religious parties’ ministers due to Foreign Ministry and Government activity on Saturday. It was justified by the fact that such activities would save lives and saving lives overrides the Sabbath. But better to ask first and keep the coalition behind him. He got their agreement later in the day.
***
The Foreign Minister waited for the crowd to calm down. The room was full and some of the attending ambassadors had to sit on improvised benches.
“Ladies and Gen
tlemen,” the minister said quietly – this quiet approach always worked. It worked now. The many conversations stopped and everybody was looking at him.
“I am assuming that everyone here has heard the official announcement. The facts as presented in that announcement are correct.” He paused to let the crowd digest the message and quiet down again. “I am also sure that at least some of you have used your own resources to check the situation. I would like to make several announcements and give you additional information. But first, does anybody here have any doubts that we moved in time and that today is” - he looked at his watch - “approximately 4 pm on June 21, 1941?”
The crowd of foreign ambassadors was quiet. Some nodded in confirmation but did not speak.
“I see that the situation is clear. There are some actions to be taken and implications to this condition which, with your permission, I would like to examine more closely.” The minister looked at his notes for the first time. “The first thing that comes to mind is that we should do all in our power to keep events as close as possible to our history. I hope that everyone agrees with that.”
The French ambassador got up: “Sir, this may be immoral. It is in your power to save many millions of lives. Why not act to do so?”
“And how do you propose we do that?”
“Well, your army could attack the German forces concentrated on the Soviet border and destroy them. This would stop the attack before it began and save many lives.”
“A very noble idea, Mr. Ambassador. Do you propose that we magically transport our army to the German-Soviet border in occupied Poland and combat the Germans there? If this is your proposal, I have to disappoint you – we have no means to perform such a feat.”
“No, no,” the French Ambassador was not amused. “This not at all what I propose. I was thinking more along the lines of using your air force and, if absolutely necessary, non-conventional weapons.”
“Mr. Ambassador, I appreciate your good intentions. Let’s examine the practical side though. The German forces are spread out over a front several thousand kilometers long. Even though they number close to three million, in effect they form a very narrow ribbon along the Soviet border. Assuming we had such long range aircraft, we could bomb them with pinpoint accuracy but we could not do enough damage in any significant way within the time we have. In fact, as soon as we attack it is reasonable that Germany will assume this to be a Soviet attack and counterattack immediately. We could, of course, use non-conventional weapons, which I am not saying we have. For the sake of the discussion though, let’s say we do have them. You suggest than that we drop nuclear bombs on the German army in numbers sufficient to destroy them. Am I correct?”
“Yes, Minister. This is one of the options I urge you to consider,” the French Ambassador said.
“Well, say we considered and accepted this idea. The result would be a belt of devastation running through the heart of eastern Poland and parts of the Ukraine and southern Europe, with hundreds of thousands dead. The civilian population will not be excluded from this holocaust. It is also likely that some Soviet forces will be affected – after all nuclear weapons are for mass destruction and not for pinpoint accuracy. And what will happen next? Do you seriously expect Stalin to look to the West, see Germany defenseless and not pounce? He may decide to wait for a while, but pounce he will. And with nobody to stop him, the Soviet Union will reach the Pyrenees in no time. You think that France will do better under Stalin than it is doing under Hitler? Or maybe you suggest that we also nuke the Soviets? I don’t think that this is a viable proposal – Too many innocent people will die, and, despite what some of you may think and have actually said in the past, we are not monsters and will never contemplate mass murder.
“There are also those little side effects that are unpredictable. Let me address one of them: You all know by now that we are jamming every unauthorized radio transmission from our territory. The jamming is dynamic – it starts as soon as our services detect a carrier wave. The reason for this is that we do not want any information about the future leaked to the world outside. Such a leak could be catastrophic. Imagine that someone who wants the Axis to win tells them that the Allies have broken the Enigma codes. This may not let them win the war, but it will cost the allies dearly and will likely prolong the bloodletting. There are more possibilities - too many to mention. I am sure that you will agree with me that even a short transmission falling into the wrong hands may be catastrophic. For this reason the Knesset is now in the process of debating a number of emergency laws which, I am sure, will pass. These are the important points that concern you and your nationals now in Israel:
Any contact with the outside world without the explicit permission of the Government will be punishable by 20 years in prison. This law applies to everyone - there will be no diplomatic immunity. It also applies to the press.
1. All radio transmitters have to be turned over to the Ministry of Communications by noon on Monday, June 23. Possession of a transmitter will be punishable by 20 years imprisonment. Embassies and diplomatic mission are NOT excluded.
2. Under the new emergency laws, the police and security forces can detain anyone suspected of subversive activity for 90 days without trial or an arrest warrant. This applies to everyone, including diplomats.
3. Diplomatic credentials are considered invalid until such time as accreditation is renewed – assuming the current governments of your respective countries choose you as their representatives.
4. Diplomats and other citizens of the Axis countries including Germany and Japan will not be considered enemy aliens. Citizens of countries whose life or freedom may be in danger from their respective regimes are welcome to apply for political asylum.
“Ladies and Gentlemen, I suggest that you take some time to consider what I just said. You’ll have the opportunity to ask questions at the next meeting. Or you can always ask for clarifications through the normal channels.” As the assembled ambassadors started filing out of the auditorium, discussing the announcement and the surprising bluntness and assertiveness of the normally mild Israeli Foreign Minister, a guard approached the British ambassador and took him through a side door to the Minister.
***
Lieutenant Shaviv looked at his platoon sergeant. Uri was cleanly shaven and seemed rested. They had nothing to do for the last day and a half. Since The Event there had been no activity along the Gaza border, except a couple of British aircraft trying to get through to Israel north of their outpost.
“Uri,” Shaviv said, “we have new orders, and you are getting a new platoon commander.”
Sergeant Uri Dayan was surprised. Not by any new orders - Noam Shaviv had predicted that - but the announcement of a new platoon commander. He served with Shaviv for almost ten years and expected them to retire from the service together. “Where are you going?” he asked his long-time friend.
“Not very far. I was promoted to Company Commander. Maybe they will even make me a captain before I am old enough to be put out to pasture.”
Actually, Uri Dayan had expected Noam to be promoted a while ago. He suspected that his platoon commander was still a lieutenant because he never accepted an order unconditionally. Independent thinking was encouraged, but Noam Shaviv was beyond independent – he was incapable of accepting an order uncritically. On the other hand, his command benefited from his stubbornness and even the battalion commander admitted that he was a good officer and often was right to argue about the orders he received.
“Well, good luck,” Uri said. “Don’t forget us.”
“Don’t worry, I’ll come to visit. Your coffee is the best. Even battalion can’t match it. Anyway, my replacement is a guy fresh from officer school. He is our age and is also a reservist that decided to become an officer somewhat late in his career. This is going to be his first command. But he’s not inexperienced, having been a sergeant for a while. Treat him well and be sure to educate him.
“Now the new orders: Get the guys ready to
move. Pack everything up and be ready in a couple of hours. The new platoon commander will be here by then. The company will move out in the afternoon, and your trucks will be here on time, or so they promised.”
“Where?” Uri inquired.
“There was no official announcement, but my guess is that we are going to be part of a force set up to seal the Egyptian border,” Noam responded. “Let me know when the new commander arrives. I’ll be at the company HQ.”
“This is the Sabbath. How come we are going to do something on the Sabbath?” Uri asked. The only exception for Saturday activity would be a war, and he knew nothing about fighting anywhere in Israel. The country was on a permanent war footing, but there had been no actual shooting for a while.
“According to the radio, which you apparently haven’t heard, the Government declared a state of emergency and the Knesset is debating instituting emergency laws. They expect the debate to be over in a couple of hours. Even the religious parties are participating, despite the Sabbath. You can assume that it’s a more serious situation than just a simple war.” Lieutenant Noam Shaviv shook hands with his ex-sergeant and walked away. Uri Dayan looked after him, with misgivings he could not articulate crowding his mind. He was worried about having to nurse a new, inexperienced officer at a time when trouble could start at any moment. Even more, he had difficulty imagining running the platoon without Noam, in whose shadow he had lived and fought for close to ten years. But there was nothing to do but what he was ordered. At least that part of his army life had not changed.
Chapter 4
Mohammad al Husseini relaxed in his living room’s easy chair. It was a nice living room. If you didn’t look out the windows you wouldn’t be able to tell that it was in Jenin. He had a nice view from his hilltop villa on the outskirts of town and could almost see the Israeli town of Afula in the Galilee, which his people had attacked more than once. Although Jenin was divided between competing (and often violent) militia groups, Mohammad felt safe. He was the local commander of Azz A-Din Al-Qassam – the military arm of the Hamas movement. Since Hamas dominated most of this area, he was, de-facto, the most powerful man in the northern West Bank and did as he pleased. For a while the rival Fatah militia, with the help of the Palestinian Authority, attacked and almost destroyed Hamas’ strongholds. It was a close thing, but after a couple of years, with Allah’s help, Hamas was on the rise again. This time they were more cautious and did not trust Fatah, or anybody else. Most of their armed force did not show itself unless absolutely necessary. And when they thought it was necessary, their enemies tended to die quickly. In the best tradition of Islam, the families of those killed were subverted to serve Hamas or killed.
The Shield: a novel Page 3
