65. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 185; translation, 194.
66. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 185–186; translation, 195.
67. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 281–282; translation, 281. For a useful, if at times simplistic, overview of this episode, see Ellison Findly, “Jahāngīr’s Vow of Non-Violence,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 107.2 (1987): 245–256.
68. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 186; translation, 196.
69. Roe, Embassy, 1: 201.
70. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 202–203; translation, 209.
71. “Ilm-i bedant kih imroz murad az tasawwuf bashad” and “mustalihat-i tasawwuf-i ahl-i islam ra ba tariq-i tasawwuf-i khud tatbiq dada,” Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama-i Jahangiri, ed. Abd-ul-Hayy and Ahmad Ali (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1865), 95–96. For the argument that in Mutamad Khan’s use of the term imroz (i.e., currently), the notion of making an equivalence between tasawwuf and Vedanta was starting to take root in Mughal circles), see Shireen Moosvi, “The Mughal Encounter with Vedanta: Recovering the Biography of Jadrup,” Social Scientist 30.7 / 8 (2002): 13–23, 16. Following Moosvi, I take Chidrup to be the basis of the name transcribed in Persian as Jadrup.
72. See M. Abdullah Chaghtai, “Emperor Jahangir’s Interviews with Gosāin Jadrūp and His Portraits,” Islamic Culture 36.2 (1962): 119–128; and Sajida S. Alvi, “Religion and State during the Reign of Mughal Emperor Jahāngīr (1605–27): Nonjuristical Perspectives,” Studia Islamica 69 (1989): 95–119, 113–114.
73. Jahangir and Chidrup, Paris, Musée national des arts asiatiques Guimet, accession 85EE1944; reproduced in Thackston (trans.), Jahangirnama, 312. Compare this with the painting in the National Gallery of Australia, Gayer-Anderson Gift, accession 91.1360; reproduced in S. A. A. Rizvi, “Mughal Paintings in the Australian National Library,” Hemisphere 14 (March 1970): 18–25, 23.
74. For more on the allegorical dimensions of this motif in figural representations, see the chapter “Alexander’s Cave,” in Michael Barry, Figurative Art in Medieval Islam and the Riddle of Bihzâd of Herât (Paris: Flammarion, 2004), 253–385.
75. For the “museological character” of Jahangir’s power, see Corinne Lefèvre, “Recovering a Missing Voice from Mughal India: The Imperial Discourse of Jahāngīr (r. 1605–1627) in His Memoirs,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 50.4 (2007): 452–489.
76. Painting of Akbar and Chidrup in the Arthur M. Sackler Museum of the Harvard Art Museums, accession 1937.20.1; reproduced in Kessler, “In the Company of the Enlightened,” 24–25, 34–35 (fig. 3).
77. The Yoga Vasishta in question was translated into Persian by Nizam Panipati with the aide of two pandits. Jog Basisht, eds. Tara Chand and S. A. H. Abidi (Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1978).
78.Yog Vashisht, Chester Beatty Library, MS 5. For a detailed description of the manuscript and several reproductions from it, see Linda Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library, 2 vols. (London: Scorpion Cavendish, 1995), 1: 155–195. For confirmation that this manuscript was prepared for Akbar’s use, though it carries a note in Jahangir’s hand, see Heike Franke, “Akbar’s Yogavāsiṣṭha in the Chester Beatty Library,” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 161.2 (2011): 359–375.
79. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 225; translation, 228–229.
80. See the two-volume illuminated translation in the Arthur M. Freer Gallery, Washington, DC, F1907.271.1–172 (vol. 1), F1907.271.173–346 (vol. 2). For further information, see John Seyller, Workshop and Patron in Mughal India: The Freer Rāmāyaṇa and Other Illustrated Manuscripts of ‘Abd al-Raḥīm (Washington, DC: Artibus Asiae, 1999). For more on Rahim’s artistic and literary patronage, see Sunil Sharma, Mughal Arcadia: Persian Literature in an Indian Court (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 47–49; Corinne Lefèvre, “The Court of Abd-ur-Rahim Khan-i Khanan as a Bridge between Iranian and Indian Cultural Traditions,” in Culture and Circulation: Literature in Motion in Early Modern India, eds. Thomas de Bruijn and Allison Busch (Leiden: Brill, 2014): 75–106. See also the portrait of Abd-ur-Rahim held in the Yale University Art Gallery, 1983.94.11, discussed by Kishwar Rizvi, “Introduction,” in Affect, Emotion, and Subjectivity in Early Modern Muslim Empires: New Studies in Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal Art and Culture, ed. Kishwar Rizvi (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1–20, 11–12.
81. Qazwini, Badshah-nama, Raza Rampur Library, MS 2091 / 495m, fol. 80b.
82. Corinne Lefèvre, “Europe–Mughal India–Muslim Asia: Circulation of Political Ideas and Instruments in Early Modern Times,” in Structures on the Move: Technologies of Governance in Transcultural Encounter, eds. A. Flüchter and S. Richter (Heidelberg: Springer, 2012), 127–145, 141–142.
83. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 283; translation, 282. See also the birth commemorated in Sujan Rai Bhandari (d. 1689), Khulasat-ut-tawarikh, ed. Muhammad Irshad Alam (published PhD diss., Aligarh Muslim University, 2013), 635–636.
84. Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 129–130.
85. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 317; translation, 313.
86. See Mirza Muhammad Inayat Khan (d. 1670), Mulakhkhas-i Shahjahan-nama, ed. Jamil-ur-Rahman (Delhi: Rayzani-i Farhangi-i Jumhuri-i Islami-i Iran, 2009), 53; translated as The Shah Jahan nama of ʿInayat Khan: An Abridged History of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, trans. Wayne Edison Begley and Ziya-ud-Din A. Desai (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 9.
87. See Art and History Trust, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, accession LTS 1995.2.98. Printed in Thackston (trans.), Jahangirnama, 336.
88. Painting of Young Dara Shukoh, Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession 55.121.10.36; reproduced in Stuart Cary Welch et al., The Emperors’ Album: Images of Mughal India (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1987), 194–195, plate 55.
89. Victoria and Albert Museum, IS. 90–1965. Printed in Rosemary Crill et al., Arts of India: 1550–1900 (London: Victoria and Albert Publications, 1990), 93, no. 70.
90. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 174; translation, 184.
91. For the later continuation of these associations within the Qajar Iran, see Afsaneh Najmabadi, Women with Mustaches and Men without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of Iranian Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 11–25.
92. See André Wink, Akbar (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009), 109–110.
93. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 318–319; translation, 314–316.
94. Scott Kugle “ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq Dihlawī, an Accidental Revivalist: Knowledge and Power in the Passage from Delhi to Makka,” Journal of Islamic Studies 19.2 (2008): 196–246, 205.
95. Abd-ul-Haqq Dihlawi, Akhbar-ul-akhyar fi asrar-ul-abrar, ed. Alim Ashraf Khan (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tihran, 2005), 595–616. For a persuasive challenge to the commonly held notion that Abd-ul-Haqq was critical of Akbar’s “heretical” innovations, see Kugle, “ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq,” 209–210, 212.
96. For an overview of this text, see Bruce Lawrence, “Aḵbār al-aḵyār,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, ed. Ehsan Yarshater, 15 vols. (London: Routledge, 1982-), 1: 711–712.
97. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 320; translation, 316.
98. See Sushmita Banerjee, “Conceptualising the Past of the Muslim Community in the Sixteenth Century: A Prosopographical Study of the Akhbār al-akhyār,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 54.4 (2017): 423–456.
99. “Maqsud-i ahl-i zauq zi zikr-i guzashtigan / tanbih-i ibrat ast chih miskin chih padshah,” cited in Khaliq Ahmad Nizami Dihlavi, Hayat-i Shaikh Abd-ul-Haqq (Delhi: Nadwat-ul-Musannifin, 1964), 190; translated in Dihlavi, On History and Historians of Medieval India (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983), 45. See also, Abd-ul-Haqq, Risala-i nuriya-i sultaniya, ed. Muhammad Salim Akhtar (Islamabad: Markaz-i Tahqiqat-i Farsi-i Iran va Pakistan, 1985).
100. For further information, see Yohanan Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Posterity (Montreal: McGill University, 1971); J. G. J. ter Haar, Follower and Heir of the Prophet: Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624) as Mystic (Leiden: Het Oosters Instituut, 1
992).
101. Jahangir, “Az maqam-i khalifa dar guzashta ba ali martabat-i uruj,” Tuzuk, 309; translation, 304. See Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat-i Imam-i Rabbani, ed. Nur Ahmad, 3 vols. (Karachi: Educational Press, 1977), 23–30, 25–26, letter 11; selections translated as The Revealed Grace: The Juristic Sufism of Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624), trans. Arthur Buehler (Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, 2011), 117–124, 119.
102. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 363–364; translation, 352–353.
103. Qazwini, Padshah-nama, fols. 89a–90a.
104.“Zi mai pir dast-i tamanna kashid / na az tauba, az sharm-i muy-i safid,” Abu Talib Kalim Kashani (d. 1652), Masnawi-i Padshah-nama, ed. Muhammad Yunus Jaffery (Delhi: Rayzani-i Farhangi-i Jumhuri-i Islami-i Iran, 2016), 225.
105. Kalim, Masnawi, 225–227.
2. Dynasty, 1622–1628
1. See Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir (London: Oxford University Press, 1922), 336–338, n. 4, with sources given. For the minority view that Khurram did not engineer Khusrau’s death, see Henry Beveridge, “Sultan Khusrau,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1907): 597–609, 591–601; B. B. L. Srivastava, “The Fate of Khusrau,” Journal of Indian History 42.2 (1964): 479–492.
2. For instance, see Nicholas Bangham’s letter from Burhanpur to the Surat Factory in The English Factories in India, ed. William Foster, 13 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–1927), 2: 30.
3. Nur-ud-Din Muhammad Jahangir, Jahangir-nama (Tuzuk-i Jahangiri), ed. Muhammad Hashim, (Tehran: Farhang, 1980 / 1), 390; translated as The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, trans. Wheeler M. Thackston (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 376.
4. Muhammad Salih Kamboh, Amal-i Salih, ed. Ghulam Yazdani, 3 vols. (Lahore: Majlis-i Taraqqi-i Adab, 1958–1960), 1: 133.
5. William Methworld et al., two dispatches from Masulipatam to Surat, March 10, 1622, and June 30, 1622, in English Factories, 2: 59, 98.
6. Francisco Pelsaert, the chief Dutch factor in Agra, is associated with two manuscripts that give a description of Khusrau’s murder, offering long and short versions: National Archives of The Hague, MSS VOC 4905 and 4906, respectively. The long version is preserved in the Kroniek, an anonymous chronicle of Mughal rule that extends to February 1627. The haphazard collection of historical accounts and documents is based on the writings of a munshi in the Dutch employ. While Pelsaert’s name is associated with the text, his exact role in the redaction of the chronicle remains uncertain. This account contains more details of the murder, such as “een astave ofte waterpott.” A shorter version appears in Pelsaert’s Remonstrantie, a memorandum of information on India for Dutch trading interests. Both manuscripts have been edited and published together in a single volume: Francisco
Pelsaert, De Geschriften van Francisco Pelsaert over Mughal Indië, 1627: Kroniek en Remonstrantie, eds. D. H. A. Kolff and H. W. Van Santen (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1979), 157–159, 320. An abbreviated Latin translation of the Kroniek appears in Joannes De Laet (d. 1649), De imperio Magni Mogolis (Leiden: Elzeviriania, 1631), 243, 266; translated as The Empire of the Great Mogol, trans. J. S. Hoyland (Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala Sons, 1928), 198–199, 219. The Kroniek was translated as A Contemporary Dutch Chronicle of Mughal India, trans. Brij Narain and Sri Rama Sharma (Calcutta: Susil Gupta, 1957), 53–55; Pelsaert’s Remonstrantie was translated as Jahangir’s India. The Remonstrantie of Francisco Pelsaert, trans. W. H. Moreland and P. Geyl (Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons, 1925), 70–71. For more on the textual history, see the introduction to Kolff and Van Santen’s Dutch edition (45–49).
7. Kamboh, Amal-i Salih, 1: 133.
8. Robert Hughes, English Factories, 2: 94, letter dated June 20, 1622.
9. Pietro Della Valle (d. 1652), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India: From the Old English Translation of 1664, ed. Edward Grey (London: Hakluyt Society, 1892), iv.
10. For the embalming of Timur, see Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi (d. 1454), Zafar-nama, ed. Mawlavi Muhammad Ilahdad, 2 vols. (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1887–1888), 2: 666. For a medical treatment of embalming, see Emilie Savage-Smith, “Attitudes Toward Dissection in Medieval Islam,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 50.1 (1995): 67–110, 78–79. For an early example of the Hanafi distaste for the transference of corpses over long distances, see Muhammad Sarakhsi (d. c. 1090), Sharh al-Siyar al-kabir, ed. Abu Abdullah Shafii, 5 vols. (Beirut: Dar-ul-Kutub il-Ilmiya, 1997), 1: 164.
11. Kamboh, Amal-i Salih, 1: 164. See Pelsaert, Remonstrantie, 320–321; translation, 71–72.
12. Abd al-Hamid Lahauri, Padshah-nama, eds. Kabir-ud-Din Ahmad, Abd-ur-Rahim, and William Nassau Lees, 2 vols. (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1866–7), 1: 392.
13. Munis Faruqui, The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504–1719 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 77; Stephen Blake, Time in Early Modern Islam: Calendar, Ceremony, and Chronology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 101.
14. Compare this to Khurram’s ceremony described in Fergus Nicoll, Shah Jahan: The Rise and Fall of the Mughal Emperor (London: Haus, 2009), 28. See also Binode Kumar Sahay, Education and Learning under the Great Mughals, 1526–1707 A.D. (Bombay: New Literature, 1968), 7–8.
15. For classical juridical attitudes about teaching children Islamic norms, see Avner Gil’adi, Children of Islam: Concepts of Childhood in Medieval Muslim Society (London: Macmillan, 1992), 42–67.
16. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 372; translation, 369; Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 187.
17. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 390; translation, 376.
18. Appendix added by eighteenth-century historian Muhammad Hadi Kamwar Khan in Jahangir, Tuzuk, 466; translation 423.
19. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 391; translation, 377.
20. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 392; translation, 378.
21. Mutamad Khan, Ahwal-i Shahzadagi-i Shah Jahan, British Library MS Or. 3271, fols. 46–138, fols. 96a–b; also cited in Nicoll, Shah Jahan, 122. Nicoll, however, seems to use a different pagination system.
22. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 393–394; translation, 379.
23. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 403; translation, 387. See also Kroniek, 231; translation, 92.
24. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 401–402; translation, 386.
25. Syed Moinul Haq, “An Unpublished Letter of Jahangir Addressed to Prince Khurram,” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 2.4 (1954): 302–311, 302–303. Moinul Haq makes a case for the letter’s authenticity, which is found in an unpublished manuscript of insha copied in 1819, entitled Majmua-i maktubat, originally compiled by a certain Dud-Raj. The letter, however, may well be spurious. I have in some cases adapted Haq’s translations here.
26. Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 193.
27. Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 194.
28. Letter from Shah Abbas in Jahangir, Tuzuk, 397–398; translation, 383–384.
29. Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 198.
30. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 407; translation, 391–393.
31. On the Mughal practice of traveling through India as a means of “ruling India,” see Jos Gommans, Mughal Warfare, Indian Frontiers and High Roads to Empire, 1500–1700 (London: Routledge, 2002), 99.
32. These sources include the Amarkavya Vanshavali. For further information, see Gopi Nath Sharma, Mewar and the Mughal Emperors, 1526–1707 AD (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala, 1954), 144n11.
33. For doubt cast on this claim, see Giles Tillotson, The Rajput Palaces: The Development of an Architectural Style, 1450–1750 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 116–117.
34. Gopi Nath Sharma, Mewar and the Mughal Emperors, 144–146. The turban said to belong to Khurram is on display at the City Palace Government Museum of Udaipur.
35. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 424; translation, 407.
36. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 424–425; translation, 407.
37. Mutamad Khan, Iqbal-nama, 215; Jahangir, Tuzuk, 432; translation, 414.
38. Thomas Mills and John Dod, “From Masulipatam to Surat,” November 12, 1623, English Factories, 2: 314.
39. Mutamad Khan
, Iqbal-nama, 217; Jahangir, Tuzuk, 437; translation, 419.
40. For the seminal study on the Islamization of Bengal, see Richard Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
41. On nose piercing in the Indian context, see Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, Indian Puberty Rites (Calcutta: Indian Studies, 1968), 45.
42. For Shitab Khan in a broader discussion of imperial discipleship, see John Richards, The Mughal Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 108.
43. Ali Anooshahr examines how Shitab Khan negotiated his tricky position of being the emperor’s servant, as well as that of Jahangir’s rebel son, Khurram. See Ali Anooshahr, “No Man Can Serve Two Masters: Conflicting Loyalties in Bengal during Shah Jahan’s Rebellion of 1624” in Ebba Koch with Ali Anooshahr (eds.), The Mughal Empire from Jahangir to Shah Jahan: Art, Architecture, Politics, Law and Literature, Mumbai: The Marg Foundation, Vol. 70 Nos. 2 & 3, (December 2018-March 2019), 54–63. I am grateful to Ali Anooshahr for sharing a pre-publication version of this article with me.
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