62. Ebba Koch, “Diwan-i ‘amm and Chihil Sutun: The Audience Halls of Shah Jahan,” Muqarnas 11 (1994): 143–165, 149.
63. For recent scholarship on Islamic talismans in the battlefield, see Christiane Gruber, “From Prayer to Protection: Amulets in the Islamic World,” in Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural, ed. Francesca Leoni (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2016), 33–51; Rose Muravchick, “Objectifying the Occult: Studying an Islamic Talismanic Shirt as an Embodied Object,” Arabica 64 (2017): 673–693. See also the online publication accompanying the exhibition curated by Maryam Ekhtiar and Rachel Parikh, “Power and Piety: Islamic Talismans on the Battlefield,” (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, August 2016 February 2017), https://metmuseum.atavist.com/powerandpiety (accessed October 8, 2018). Further, Matthew Melvin Koushki’s forthcoming The Occult Science of Empire in Aqquyunlu-Safavid Iran promises a pioneering intellectual history of “Timurid occult-scientific imperialism.”
64. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 62a. See also Kamboh, Amal-i Salih, 3: 131. On jarr-i saqil, see Muhammad Amin Tusi, Farhang-i lughat-i adabi, 2 vols. (Tabriz: Danishgah-i Adabiyat va Ulum-i Insani, 1967–1972), 2: 553–554. Cf. Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, Dara Shukoh (Calcutta: S. C. Sarkar and Sons, 1952), 40. Qanungo fundamentally misreads this passage on the Deccani engineers, nor does he fully grasp the significance of the occult within the context of military strategy.
65. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 19a. On Jafar, who was appointed to “Barqandaz” Khan after the expedition to Qandahar and was one of Dara’s favorites, see Kewal Ram, Tazkirat-ul-umara, translated as The History of Nobles from Akbar to Aurangzeb’s Reign, 1556–1707 AD, trans. S. M. Azizuddin Husain (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1985), 33. For an account of how Jafar was the subject of jealousy, see Niccolò Manucci, Voyage et histoire du Mogol, Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, MS Phillips 1945, part 1, fol. 75b (revised Portuguese version); translated in Storia do Mogor or Mogul India 1653–1708, trans. William Irvine, 4 vols. (London: John Murray, 1907), 1: 226–227.
66. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fols. 33b–34a. On earlier tensions between the two, see also fols. 31b–32a. For further information, see Qanungo, Dara, 65–66.
67. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 9a. For Mirza Abdullah Beg Najm-i Sani, who was given the honorific Askar Khan after the Battle of Qandahar, see Shahnawaz Khan, Maasir, 2: 809. He is not to be confused with Fakhr Khan Najm-i Sani, who is explicitly identified as one of the sons of Muhammad Baqir Najm-i Sani and who was also in the service of Dara Shukoh during the Qandahar campaign, Shahnawaz Khan, Maasir, 3: 26–28.
68. For an analysis of the phenomenon, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation,” The Journal of Asian Studies 51 (1992): 340–363.
69. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 14b.
70. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 96a; Qanungo, Dara, 57.
71. “Mazhar-i sahibqirani, Shah Abbas-i duwwum / dar jihad-i akbar az farmandihan shud kamkar / bar-i digar az tah-i bal o par-i zaghan-i hind / baiza-i Islam, chun khurshid gardid ashkar … chun liwa-yi shah, ruy-i qiladaran shud safed / Hindiyan gashtand yaksar zardruy o sharmsar // az siyahi garcha balatar nabashad hech rang / zardruyi ghalib amad bar siyahan dar farar,” Saib Tabrizi, Diwan-i Saib Tabrizi, ed. Parviz Natil Khanlari, 2 vols. (Tehran: Muassasa-i Intisharat-i Nigah, 1995 / 6), 2: 1386–1387, qasida §11. For more on Saib Tabrizi’s poems celebrating the victory and a further panegyric to Shah Abbas, see Sunil Sharma, Mughal Arcadia: Persian Literature in an Indian Court (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 188.
72. John Renard, “Al-Jihād Al-Akbar: Notes on a Theme in Islamic Spirituality,” The Muslim World 78.3 / 4 (1988): 225–242.
73. Annemarie Schimmel, “Turk and Hindu: A Poetical Image and its Application to Historical Fact,” in Islam and Cultural Change in the Middle Ages, ed. Speros Vryoni (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1975), 107–126.
74. Sayyid Makhdum Rahin bases his edition of the Hasanat on a manuscript that according to him dates between 1654 and 1658, during Dara’s lifetime. But Rahin curiously avoids mentioning in which private collection or library this manuscript, which he labels “MS A,” might exist, though he provides details of other manuscripts used for comparison. Rahin, “Introduction,” in Darah Shukoh, Hasanat, 37–38.
75. Dara Shukoh, Hasanat-ul-arifin, ed. Muhammad Abd-ul-Ahad (Delhi: Mujtabai, 1891).
76. For instance, Chandarbhan Brahman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, edited and translated as “Les entretiens de Lahore (entre le prince impérial Dârâ Shikûh et l’ascète hindou Baba La‘l Das),” eds. and trans. Clément Huart and Louis Massignon, Journal asiatique 209 (1926): 285–334.
77. See www.bawalalji.org/web/biography.php (accessed October 8, 2018).
78. As Dhyanpur is east of Lahore, Dara Shukoh would not have had occasion to stop there on his return from Qandahar. Since it is also not on the direct route to Delhi, Dara would have had to either take a detour or summon the ascetic to Lahore.
79. “At first glance, I knew that it had been painted by Govardhan,” Stuart Cary Welch, private written communication, April 26, 2008. Welch based his identification of Dara Shukoh on the resemblances with other identifiable portraits of the prince. The painting, for years on loan from Stuart Cary Welch to the Harvard University Art Museum, was labeled “Dara Shikoh with Hindu and Muslim Holy Men at the Peri Mahal.” Printed with the same identification in Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in India and Pakistan (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1982), Plate 24a. As does Welch, Schimmel entertains the possibility that the ascetic here represents Baba Lal. For more on the artist, see “Govardhan,” Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture, ed. Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 2: 119–120.
80. For an analysis of the gaze, see Gregory Minissale, “Seeing Eye-to-Eye with Mughal Miniatures: Some Observations on the Outward Gazing Figure in Mughal Art,” Marg 58.3 (2007): 41–49.
81. These include “Prince and Ascetics,” from the Late Shah Jahan Album, Cleveland Museum of Art, Andrew R. and Martha Holden Jennings Fund, 1971.9, attributed to Govardhan; and “Visit to Holy Man,” Paris, Musée national des arts asiatiques Guimet, Ma 2471.
82. Painting by Nar Singh of the Ibadat-khana, folio from Akbar-nama, produced around 1605, Chester Beatty Library MS 3, fol. 263b.
83. “Guftam kih khurak-i faqir dar gurusnagi chist / gufta kih gosht-i khud // guftam kih luqma dar halaq chist / gufta kih taam-i sabr // guftam kih wujud-i faqir / gufta kih dayim dar sujud,” Sawal wa jawab-i badshahzada Dara Shukoh wa Baba Lal Das-Ji Bairagi, ed. Chiranji Lal, lithograph (Delhi: Muhibb-ul-Hind, 1885), 3. For other translated extracts from this text, see Supriya Gandhi, “The Prince and the Muvaḥḥid: Dara Shikoh and Mughal Engagements with Vedanta,” in Religious Interactions in Mughal India, eds. Vasudha Dalmia and Munis Faruqui (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 65–101, 89–90.
84. Other versions mention these seven locations in Lahore as well. See, for instance, the dialogue between Baba Lal and Dara Shukoh in a miscellany of Dara’s works, including the Sirr-i Akbar and the Majma-ul-bahrain, British Library, MS Add. 18,404, fols. 248–259.
85. See the manuscript uncovered by Vladimir Ivanow in Lucknow, designated as “MS E” in Chandarbhan Brahman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, 333–334.
86. See Sharif Husain Qasemi, “Čandra Bhān,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica, ed. Ehsan Yarshater, 15 vols. (London: Routledge, 1982–), 4: 755–756. For more
on Chandarbhan and his life as a munshi in the court, see Rajeev Kinra, Writing Self, Writing Empire: Chandar Bhan Brahman and the Cultural World of the Indo-Persian State Secretary (Oakland: University of California Press, 2015). Kinra views with skepticism Chandarbhan Bhan’s connections with Dara and dismisses the trip to Qandahar (241–258).
87. Rashid Khan, Lataif, fol. 64b, cf. fol. 18b. See also Qanungo, Dara Shukoh, 56n1.
88. Chandarbhan Brahman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, 291.
89. Chandarbhan Bra
hman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, 294.
90. Compare the different readings in the text edited by Huart and Massignon, Chandarbhan Brahman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, with the dialogues between Dara Shukoh and Baba Lal in Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, MS Sprenger 1659, fols. 176b–183a. The Sprenger manuscript is noted as “D” in Huart and Massignon.
91. Chandarbhan Brahman (attributed), Gosht-i Baba Lal, 303.
92. Quran 57: 3.
93. Dara Shukoh, Hasanat, 4.
94. Dara Shukoh, “Shaikh Bari,” Hasanat, 67–72.
95. Dara Shukoh, “Muhammad Sharif,” Hasanat, 58–59.
96. Dara Shukoh, “Miyan Mir,” Hasanat, 50.
97. Dara Shukoh, “Baba Lal,” Hasanat, 49.
98. Dara Shukoh, “Kabir,” Hasanat, 53. For further information on the anecdote of Kabir’s funeral, see the introduction to Kabir, The Bījak of Kabir, trans. Linda Hess (Oxford: Oxford Univeristy Press, 2002), 4.
99. Dara Shukoh, “Kabir,” Hasanat, 54–55.
100. This quatrain is also collated in Dara’s Diwan. See Dara Shukoh, Diwan, ‘Rubaiyat,’ § 59.
101. Abd-ul-Haqq Dihlawi, Akhbar-ul-akhyar fi asrar-ul-abrar, ed. Alim Ashraf Khan (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tihran, 2005), 599. Cited in M. Athar Ali, “Encounter and Efflorescence: Genesis of the Medieval Civilization,” Social Scientist 18.1 / 2 (1990): 13–28, 25.
102. Qabil Khan, “Correspondence with Shah Jahan,” Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 116, §47; translation, 181, §47.
103. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 119, §48; translation, 185, §48.
104. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 119–120, §48; translation, 186, §48.
105. Ascribed to Hamid-ud-Din Khan, Ahkam-i Alamgiri, ed. Jadunath Sarkar, 2nd ed. (Calcutta: Sarkar and Sons, 1926), 6–9; translated as Anecdotes of Aurangzib, trans. Jadunath Sarkar (Calcutta: Sarkar and Sons, 1912), 28–30. See Ahkam’s inconsistencies when narrating the story of Aurangzeb’s elephant fight, chap. 3, note 78.
106. Shahnawaz Khan, Maasir, 1: 790–791.
107. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 129, §53; translation, 201–202, §52.
108. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Love, Passion and Reason in Faizi’s Nal-Daman,” in Love in South Asia: A Cultural History, ed. Francesca Orsini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 109–141.
109. Manucci, Voyage, fol. 82a; translation, 1: 231.
110. For a nuanced account of Aurangzeb’s attitude toward music, a discussion of the Hira Bai story, and a critique of Manucci’s reliability, see Katherine Butler Brown, “Did Aurangzeb Ban Music?” Modern Asian Studies 41.1 (2007): 77–120.
111. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 137, §56; translation, 219, §58.
112. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 163–164, §69; translation, 224–225, §60.
113. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 2: 821–822, §18.
7. Confluence, 1654–1656
1. Stephen Blake, Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India 1639–1739 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 31–32.
2. Blake, Shahjahanabad, 53–54.
3. For further information on Jahanara’s architectural patronage, see Stephen Blake, “Contributors to the Urban Landscape: Women Builders in Safavid Isfahan and Mughal Shahjahanabad,” in Women in the Medieval Islamic World, ed. Gavin R. G. Hambly (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), 407–428, 420–423.
4. Blake, “Contributors,” 411, 422, table 1. Also see Mirza Muhammad Tahir Inayat Khan (d. 1670), Mulakhkhas-i Shahjahan-nama, ed. Jamil-ur-Rahman (Delhi: Rayzani-i Farhangi-i Jumhuri-i Islami-i Iran, 2009), 528; translated as The Shah Jahan Nama of ‘Inayat Khan, trans. A. R. Fuller, eds. W. E. Begley and Z. A. Desai (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 451. In the translation Akbarabadi is identified as Shah Jahan’s consort.
5. Blake, “Contributors,” 411, table 1.
6. François Bernier, Un libertin dans l’Inde moghole: les Voyages de François Bernier (1656–1669), ed. Frédéric Tinguely, Adrien Paschoud, and Charles-Antoine Chamay (Paris: Chandeigne, 2008), 393–394, second letter to François Boysson, Seigneur de Merveilles, February 25, 1665. For further information, see Blake, Shahjahanabad, 67.
7. Chandarbhan Brahman, Chahar Chaman, ed. Muhammad Yunus Jaffery (Delhi: Rayzani-i Farhangi-i Jumhuri-i Islami-i Iran: 2004), 127.
8. Inayat Khan, Mulakhkhas, 573; translation, 496.
9. S. R. Sharma, Mughal Empire in India, 3 vols. (Bombay: Karnatak Printing Press, 1934), 2: 636. For an account of Juliana’s life, see Taymiyya Zaman, “Visions of Juliana: A Portuguese Woman at the Court of the Mughals,” Journal of World History 23.4 (2012): 761–791.
10. The British Library holds a painting of Ochterlony in his home, entertained by dancers and musicians, MS Add. Or. 2, published in William Dalrymple and Yuthika Sharma, Princes and Painters: In Mughal Delhi, 1707–1857 (New York: Asia Society Museum, 2012), 102–103, plate 28.
11. François Bernier, Voyages, 242–244, Letter to Monsieur de La Mothe Le Vayer, July 1663.
12. Tawakkul Beg, Nuskha, fol. 72b.
13. Sayyid Akbarali Ibrahimali Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2 vols. (New Delhi: Manohar, 1989–1995), 2: 105.
14. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 105.
15. Inayat Khan, Mulakhkhas, 575; translation, 497–498.
16. Inayat Khan, Mulakhkhas, 580–581; translation, 503. The English translation erroneously identifies Chandarbhan as the prince’s diwan and Abd-ul-Karim as his mir buyutat. See also Muhammad Salih Kamboh, Amal-i Salih, ed. Ghulam Yazdani, 3 vols. (Lahore: Majlis-i Taraqqi-i Adab, 1958–1960), 3: 148. For Chandarbhan’s report, see Shyamaladas, Vir vinod, 7 vols. (Udaipur: Rajayantralaya, 1886), 2.1: 403–408; cited in Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 108–109, §280.
17. Lahori, Padshah-nama, Royal Collection, Windsor Castle, MS 1367, fol. 205b; reproduced in Milo Cleveland Beach and Ebba Koch, King of the World. The Padshahnama: An Imperial Mughal Manuscript, the Royal Library, Windsor Castle (London: Thames and Hudson, 1997), plates 41–42.
18. Munshi Shaikh Abu-l-Fath Qabil Khan, “Correspondence with Shahjahan,” in Adab-i Alamgiri, ed. Abd-ul-Ghafur Chaudhari, 2 vols. (Lahore: Idara-i Tahqiqat-i Pakistan, 1971), 1: 221, §97; translated in Vincent Flynn, An English Translation of the Ādāb-i-ʿĀlamgīrī. The Period before the War of Succession (PhD thesis, Australian National University, 1974), 254, §69.
19. Qabil Khan, Adab-i Alamgiri, 1: 193n1, §81; 1: 271n1, §73.
20. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 106–107, §§269, 274.
21. Shyamaladas, Vir vinod, 2.1: 417–418, 419–421; summarized in Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 110–111, §§283, 284.
22. See chap. 5, note 66 and chap. 6, note 41.
23. Muhammad Waris, Badshahnama, British Library, MS I.O. Islamic 324, fol. 180a; translated as Badshahnamah of Muhammad Waris, trans. Ishrat Husain Ansari and Hamid Afaq Qureshi (Delhi: Idara-i Adabiyat-i Dehli, 2017), 226.
24. Waris mentions numerous occasions when Kavindracharya is rewarded at court, for instance: Badshahnama, fols. 112a, 116b, 119a, 126b, 147a, 149a, 154a,180a, and 220a; translation, 132, 139, 143, 151, 153, 162, 179, 182, 190, 226, 269, 277, and 308.
25. Waris, Badshahnama, fol. 220a; translation, 269.
26. P.K. Gode points out that a letter of judgement from a pandit assembly dated 1657 CE, is signed by one Narasimha Ashrama also known as Brahmendra Saraswati. He also cites evidence from the Kavindrachandrodaya showing that Brahmendra Saraswati knew (and praised) Kavindracharya Saraswati. P.K. Gode, “The Identification of Gosvāmī Nṛsiṁhāśrama of Dara Shukoh’s Sanskrit Letter with Brahmendra Sarasvatī of the Kavīndra-Candrodaya - Between AD 1628 and 1658,”Adyar Library Bulletin 6 (1942): 172–177, 174–175.
27. C. Kunhan Raja, “A Sanskrit Letter of Mohamed Dārā Shukoh,” Brahmavidya: Adyar Library Bulletin, 7.3 (1943): 192–204, 198–200.
28. V. A. Ramaswami Sastri, Jagannātha Paṇḍita (Annamalainagar: Annamalai University, 1942), 13–16.
29. Pullela Sri Ramachandrudu, The Contribution of
Paṇḍitarāja Jagannātha to Sanskrit Poetics (Delhi: Nirajana, 1983), 22–23; Ramaswami Sastri, Jagannātha Paṇḍita, 17–18.
30. Panditaraja Jagannatha, Rasagangadhara, ed. Mathuranath Shastri (Bombay: Nirnaya Sagara Press, 1939). For an overview of Jagannatha’s oeuvre, placing him in the larger context of Sanskrit literary history, see Sheldon Pollock, “Sanskrit Literary Culture from the Inside Out,” in Literary Cultures in History: Reconstructions from South Asia, ed. Sheldon Pollock (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 39–129, 96–99.
31. R. B. Athavale, “New Light on the Life of Paṇḍiṭarāja Jagannātha,” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 48 / 49 (1968): 415–420, 418–419. Also cited in Sheldon Pollock, “Death of Sanskrit,” Society for Comparative Study of Society and History 43.2 (2001): 392–426, 421n48.
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