by Brent Landau
50. This is the first instance of a phrase, “hidden mysteries,” that occurs on twenty-one separate occasions in the Revelation of the Magi. Roughly half of these times it appears in the title “Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries” (4:1); in this title and elsewhere it generally functions as the primary designation for the knowledge handed from Seth through the generations of Magi (but cf. 30:3, where it apparently refers to Christ).
51. Here it becomes clear that the narrators of the story are the
Magi themselves (or more precisely, the generation of Magi living at the time of Christ’s coming). This first-person narration continues uninterrupted until 28:4, just prior to the arrival of the Apostle Thomas, where the text abruptly switches into third-person narration.
52. The praying posture of the Magi has analogues in ancient Jewish and Christian literature, even if it is not as well known as the orans position or other postures. It is most commonly mentioned in the Hebrew Bible; cf. 1 Kgs 8:54; 2 Chr 6:13; Ezr 9:5; Ps 68:31; Lam 3:41; 1 Tm 2:8.
53. The “Mountain of Victories” is paralleled in the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, where it goes by a very similar name, “Victorious Mountain.” The meaning of the name “Mountain of Victories/Victorious Mountain” is difficult to interpret, and several scholars have sought to connect it with one of several mountains associated with Zoroaster. However, these theories have little to commend to them. Holy mountains where theophanies take place are hardly a phenomenon exclusive to Zoroastrianism, and parallels to Jewish and Christian texts, such as Ex 24 and Mk 9:1–8, are perhaps more appropriate.
54. The “Cave of Treasures” also appears in a Syriac writing of the same name. The Cave of Treasures is a retelling of biblical history from the creation of the world through the coming of Christ, usually thought to have been written sometime between the fourth and sixth century c.e. In this work, the “Cave of Treasures” appears as the place of Adam’s burial and as the repository of gifts that are brought by the Magi to Christ (Cave of Treasures 5.17, 6.22, 45.12). In the Revelation of the Magi, however, the primary importance of this cave is its housing of Seth’s books of revelation, though the gifts are also mentioned, albeit briefly. Its usual title in the Revelation of the Magi is the “Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries,#x201C;but variants occur both here and in 4:2. The meaning of the phrase “the Mysteries of the Life of Silence” is not at all clear. It would seem to relate to the Magi’s practice of silent prayer, yet the term “life of silence” is not found elsewhere in the Revelation of the Magi.
55. What follows is the prophecy of central importance for the descendants of Seth: the appearance of a star, and thus the manifestation of the Father’s Son. The prophecy, like the rest of the Revelation of the Magi prior to 28:6, never mentions the name “Jesus” or “Christ,” though allusions to Christian texts are frequent. This feature is part of the author’s agenda to refer to Christian names and terminology only in an opaque manner. The idea that the Magi expect the star because of a prophecy going back to Seth is unparalleled in ancient Christian literature. According to Origen (Against Celsus 1.60; cf. also Homilies on Numbers 13.7, 18.4), the Magi were in the midst of magical practice when a luminous new star appeared and caused their spells to lose their efficacy, prompting them to consult the prophecy of their forefather Balaam from Nm 24:17. In On the Star, a composition falsely attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea, the Magi have been closely following the prophecies of Balaam, since they have proven true in the past, and hence they immediately recognize the appearance of the star as the fulfillment of another of Balaam’s prophecies. Another pagan prophet who was thought to have predicted the events surrounding the star was Zoroaster. The Arabic Infancy Gospel 7:1 states that the Magi arrived in Jerusalem, “just as Zeradusht had predicted.” Zoroaster also predicts the birth of Christ in a narrative preserved by the Syriac writer Theodore bar Konai.
56. Cf. Mt 2:2.
57. The information that the Magi are to expect a “light … inthe form of a star,” rather than simply a star, is significant, since the star is actually the preexistent Christ.
58. The precise role and symbolism of this “pillar of light” in the narrative is unclear. Although the Revelation of the Magi mentions the pillar upon which the star sits ten times, these mentions are always during the sequence when the star appears, descends from heaven, and stands before the mouth of a cave (either in Shir or in Bethlehem). Thus, the pillar has no explicit role as a guide for the Magi during their journey; only the star is named at this point in the story. But it is difficult to understand the significance of this pillar without recourse to the Exodus narrative; indeed, the scribe responsible for the text wrote “pillar of cloud” instead of “pillar of light” at a point late in the narrative (27:4). This is the only time this phrase appears in the Revelation of the Magi (elsewhere it is “pillar of light”), so it may be no more than a transmission error, but at the very least, it demonstrates a possible (if unintentional) reference to Exodus.
59. Cf. 11:5–7 (and accompanying note at 11:5), 16:4.
60. Cf. Col 1:15.
61. Cf. Jn 4:14.
62. The phrase “who sent” (usually followed by “me”) appears twelve times in the Revelation of the Magi. This terminology is strongly connected with the language and theology of John’s Gospel, where it appears more than twenty times.
63. Cf. Mt 2:11. This is the first of several instances where “his” accompanies the gifts that the Magi are to bring to Christ. The translation “his own” presupposes that the gifts in some way have always belonged to Christ, but why this should be so is not made explicit in the text. It is remarkable that the Revelation of the Magi nowhere clarifies precisely what thesegifts are, even if it might be expected that they are none other than the familiar gold, frankincense, and myrrh. This lack of interest in the gifts is rather odd and represents one of several departures of the Revelation of the Magi from common trends in ancient Christian exegesis of the Magi story. Other non-canonical traditions have the Magi giving the child a wide array of gifts; cf. the Irish Leabhar Breac infancy narrative 92.3 (an important witness to Infancy Gospel X), where they give a purple stone, a pearl, a garland, a linen sheet, a royal staff, and “other gifts, the like or equal of which has not been found on earth.” In some traditions the Magi even receive a gift from Christ in turn: in the Arabic Infancy Gospel 8:1–6, Christ gives them a band of cloth that does not burn in fire; in the Legend of Aphroditianus, the Magi take back to Persia a picture of the child and mother painted by a servant; in a tale narrated to Marco Polo in Iran, a stone that produces holy fire.
64. The Revelation of the Magi also mentions the unsightliness of Christ’s physical appearance at 14:5 and 28:2. Cf. the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostle Peter 20, which describes Christ as “beautiful and ugly, young and old.” The Revelation of the Magi and the Acts of Peter share an emphasis on the ability of Christ to shift his form between that of luminous divine being and an unsightly and humble human being. It is possible that these passages refer back to Is 53:2.
65. Sic. It is unclear whether the passive participle of the verb “to kill” by itself is intended to have the valence of “mortal,” if it foreshadows Christ’s later death (cf. the “sign of the cross” in 4:8), or if some other meaning is intended for this difficult reading.
66. The commencing of the ritual on this date could suggest an allusion to the celebration of Christmas on December 25, the date established by the Roman church in 337. Some Eastern Christian communities—in particular, the
Jerusalem church—were resistant to this date until the fifth and sixth centuries, preferring the date of January 6. Yet the ritual’s occurrence every month complicates this supposition, even if it is difficult to understand the significance of the twenty-fifth apart from the date of Christmas. Furthermore, the Revelation of the Magi has the Magi arrive in Jerusalem during the month of April, “the month of flowers” (17:1), and since they go to Bethlehem very soon after and witness the birth of Jesus
in a cave, this would suggest the date of his birth sometime in April (though birth is not necessarily the best terminology for a transformation from star into a luminous child). In any case, the mention of the twenty-fifth of the month cannot be reliably used to argue for a post-Constantinian dating of the first-person section of the Revelation of the Magi.
67. This combination of trees occurring naturally within a single habitat is, from an ecological perspective, impossible, and thus is part of an idealized cultic landscape. The combination of a mountain, cave, spring, and sacred grove brings together some of the most characteristic features of sacred geography.
68. In ancient Jewish and Christian writings, especially pleasing smells often signify divinity and/or moral goodness. Syriac Christian writings are particularly noteworthy for their emphasis on this sometimes overlooked sense.
69. The Revelation of the Magi does not specify how much time has elapsed between the Magi’s purification on the twenty-fifth of the month and their ascent of the mountain on the first day of the next month. If it follows a Roman calendar, the number of days in a given month would vary. Since this narrative is set in a semimythical country, however, it is very difficult to give precise durations for the different stages of the ritual.
70. Cf. 3:8.
71. This passage, which seems to indicate that some people rejected the teaching of the Magi, is very difficult to understand. The Revelation of the Magi never again discusses these dissenters (but cf. 28:1) and here indicates only that their rejection has to do with the practice of silent prayer espoused by the Magi (cf. note at 1:2). Silent prayer was rather uncommon in ancient religions and often viewed with some suspicion, but this is the only mention of it in the Revelation of the Magi that has a negative connotation.
72. The next four chapters are presented as an excerpt from the books of revelation produced by Seth and entrusted to the Magi. Though this extended flashback might appear to derail the progression of the plot by breaking away from the Magi, it explains the ultimate origins of the Magi’s knowledge and details the first appearance of the star. In addition, since it occurs immediately after the description of the Magi’s monthly ritual and immediately prior to the appearance of the star during their ritual, it provides the impression of the passage of some time between the initiation of the present generation of Magi by their fathers and the fulfillment of the ancient prophecy.
73. Cf. Gn 4:25.
74. Cf. 11:7 and 17:2, which indicate that the star was visible only to those who were deemed worthy to see it.
75. Cf. Mk 3:24.
76. Cf. Gn 2:21–22.
77. Cf. Gn 2:23.
78. Similar to 1:2 and 2:1 above, the phrasing of this sentence seems to imply a play on words between time and stumbling block. However, as with the apparent connection between Magi and silence, it is not at all clear what similarity exists between these two words.
79. Though the term mysteries is frequently used with reference to the central ritual of the Magi, it is not clear whether this statement is a directive only to Seth and only with reference to Eve, or whether it is understood to prohibit more broadly women’s participation in the Magi’s activities. While those who constitute the Magi’s ranks are almost always gendered with masculine terms like father and son, the Magi also instruct their “families,” of which women are certainly a part. Still, the handing down of tradition through the lineage of the Magi is predicated on transmission from father to son, with the son taking the father’s place at his death, so the role of women is rather limited.
80. Cf. Gn 2:18.
81. Cf. Mk 1:11.
82. It is not clear precisely from where the ideas about Adam having priority before he was created and about the watchers loving him derive. This may be a distant echo of the tradition, found in the Life of Adam and Eve 14:1–3, that God instructed the angels to worship Adam.
83. Cf. Gn 4:10; Dn 4:35; Rom 9:20.
84. Cf. Gn 3:15.
85. Cf. Gn 3:14; Is 65:25; Mi 7:17; Rom 16:20.
86. It is not clear whether these individuals whose decline in the last days Adam predicts in 9:2–6 are the human race generally, the lineage of the Magi specifically, or perhaps some other group. But if the text means to imply that the Magi have fallen into apostasy, this is not suggested anywhere other than here.
87. The mention of blaspheming and “saying many things” stands in sharp contrast to the emphasis placed by the Revelation of the Magi on both the silent prayer of the Magi and the ineffability of the Father.
88. These criticisms of the veneration of heavenly bodies areespecially interesting to find in a text so devoted to the Magi, since a chief concern of a number of ancient Christian exegetes regarding Mt 2:1–12 was the potential of this text to be read as demonstrating the efficacy of astrology. Beyond this passing comment, the overall depiction of the Magi in the Revelation of the Magi as less like a band of astrologers and more like a doomsday cult (i.e., waiting for one pivotal otherworldly event, not continually interpreting the sky to discern the present and foretell the future) may very well address from a different angle some of these same concerns. For examples of this uneasiness, see: Tertullian (On Idolatry 9), in which he asserts that the Magi left behind the magical practice of astrology after their visit to Bethlehem, deducing this from the information that they returned to their homeland “by another way"; John Chrysostom, (Homilies on Matthew 6.1), where he laments that some Christians infer the acceptability of astrological practices from Matthew’s story.
89. Criticism of these sorts of acts of profligate living is quite widespread in ancient texts, so it is impossible to know whether these are directed at specific problems in a community or are simply stock phrases of moral exhortation. However, it is noteworthy that the Revelation of the Magi, unlike much early Syriac literature, does not have a strong ascetical agenda. The Magi do not engage in celibacy or other world-denying practices, nor is such a lifestyle advocated by Judas Thomas at the end of the Revelation of the Magi, unlike his counterpart in Acts of Thomas.
90. Cf. Gn 3:5. The speaker of these words is, of course, the serpent.
91. Cf. Is 29:16, 45:9, 64:8; Jer 18:4–6.
92. Cf. Jn 13:16.
93. Cf. Gn 2:7.
94. This statement refers to the tradition of Christ descending into Hell in the time between his death and Resurrection, often called the “harrowing of Hell.” The specific intention in the Revelation of the Magi, to redeem Adam, is also referenced in a number of ancient Christian texts, but other incidents (such as the binding of the devil) find mention as well. The tradition has its canonical origins in Eph 4:9 and 1 Pt 3:19–20, 4:6.
95. Cf. Gn 2:7.
96. Cf. Gn 4:1–2.
97. Cf. Gn 4:4.
98. Cf. Gn 4:10–12.
99. Cf. Gn 4:26; also 3:2 above.
100. It seems that 11:1–2 should not be read as a “real-time” description of the star’s appearance, the account of which begins in 11:3. Instead, these two verses likely function as summary statements to indicate that the star appeared during this generation of Magi’s time, and that the visions that they saw at the time of the star’s coming were predicted by the books of revelation.
101. Several other early Christian texts describe the Magi’s star as inordinately bright. The earliest such description is Ignatius of Antioch’s Epistle to the Ephesians 19:2, where the star is brighter than all other stars, which form a circle around it. Somewhat later in the second century, in the Protevangelium of James 21:8, the Magi describe the star as being so bright that it makes all other stars disappear. There is no indication, however, in either of these texts that this celestial phenomenon is invisible to everyone except the Magi.
102. The month of Nisan is equivalent to April, though it isstrange to have such a culturally specific reference in a text situated, for the most part, in a locale that is almost otherworldly. However, the phrase “in the days of Nisan” can also be translated idiomatically as “in springtime.” In either
case, see the note directly below.
103. I.e., “the moon is absorbed in the light of the sun.” This statement is odd because it places the phenomenon of a faint daytime moon at a specific time of the year—namely, Nisan/April (or possibly springtime). However, as is well known, the daytime moon is visible throughout the entire year, and not simply in April. The analogy itself—that the star is so bright that it makes the sun appear as faint as the daytime moon normally does—is quite clear, creative, and vivid, even if the reference to April is difficult to understand.
