28. The identification of “Mistress Lee” as Joyce Lee is by a process of elimination, through all the gentlewomen with that surname in 1540–41, with husbands attached to the court.
29. Lorne Campbell and Susan Foister, “Gerard, Lucas and Susanna Horenbout” in Burlington Magazine (1986), pp. 719–27.
30. Elizabeth Norton, Anne of Cleves: Henry VIII’s Discarded Bride (Stroud, England: Amberley, 2010), p. 63.
31. John Russell’s Book of Nurture, pp. 66–67; Francis Seager’s School of Virtue, p. 143. Both quoted in The Babees’ Book.
32. Thurley, pp. 169–70.
33. Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, p. 24.
34. James, Kateryn Parr, p. 127.
35. Hamilton, pp. 171–72.
36. Thurley, pp. 171–76; Hamilton, pp. 45, 172.
37. John Russell’s Book of Nurture in The Babees’ Book, pp. 64–66.
38. An act of Parliament in 1540 gave the newly married couple the right to inherit the Oxfordshire manor.
39. LP, XVI, 1389.
40. LP, XVI, 1339.
41. The identities of Lucy, the two Margarets, and Damascin are reached after research, since in Lucy’s case only her first name and title are used in the surviving documentation, and in Damascin’s and the Margarets’, only their surnames. They are the only girls of the right age and background in 1540–41 whose details correlate with what survives in LP, XV, 21.
42. Margaret Somerset (née Courtenay), Countess of Worcester, was the daughter of Katherine Courtenay, Countess of Devon, a younger daughter of King Edward IV and Queen Elizabeth Woodville.
43. Stewart, pp. xv, 178.
44. LP, XV, 21.
45. Hamilton, p. 29; Thurley, p. 143.
46. James, Kateryn Parr, pp. 154–55, 323.
47. David Baldwin, Henry VIII’s Last Love: The Extraordinary Life of Katherine Willoughby, Lady-in-Waiting to the Tudors (Stroud, England: Amberley, 2015), p. 72.
48. In her will, Jane Dudley, by then Dowager Duchess of Northumberland, confessed, “I have not loved to be very bold afore women,” as part of a stipulation that she should not be autopsied, due to her modesty.
49. Thurley, p. 140.
50. Scarisbrick, pp. 13–14.
51. Leviticus, 20:21.
52. Deuteronomy, 25:5. Her parents’ pact with Portugal was maintained by marrying Katherine’s sister Maria to King Manoel I, after the death in childbed of his first wife, Katherine and Maria’s eldest sister.
53. James Gairdner (ed.), Memorials of King Henry the Seventh (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), p. 232.
54. Jacobo Fitz-James Stuart, 10th Duke of Berwick and 17th Duke of Alba (ed.), Correspondencia de Gutierre de Fuensalida (Madrid: privately published, 1907), p. 449.
55. Lisa Hilton, Queens Consort: England’s Medieval Queens (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 2008), p. 411.
56. Scarisbrick, pp. 13–14; LP, I, 2391.
57. Giles Tremlett, Catherine of Aragon: Henry’s Spanish Queen (London: Faber and Faber, 2010), p. 159.
58. Scarisbrick, pp. 21–39.
59. Hall’s Chronicle, p. 515.
60. RCIN 403368; The Gospel according to Saint Mark, 16:15.
61. R. W. Hoyle, The Pilgrimage of Grace and the Politics of the 1530s (Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 454.
62. The best argument for a shift in 1536 can be found in Suzannah Lipscomb, 1536: The Year That Changed Henry VIII (London: Lion Hudson, 2006).
63. For the theories on Henry’s health, see in particular Robert Hutchinson, The Last Days of Henry VIII: Conspiracy, Treason and Heresy at the Court of a Dying Tyrant (London: Phoenix, 2006) and Kyra Kramer, Blood Will Tell: A Medical Explanation of the Tyranny of Henry VIII (Bloomington, IN: Ash Wood Press, 2014), the latter of which tackles the debate from the perspective of medical anthropology.
64. C. R. Chalmers and E. J. Chaloner, “500 Years Later: Henry VIII, Leg Ulcers and the Course of History” in Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine (2009), pp. 514–17.
65. Strype, Ecclesiastical, I, App., p. 313.
66. Household Ordinances, p. 144; BL Harleian MS 6807, f. IIv.
67. Tremlett, p. 134–34; Retha M. Warnicke, The Rise and Fall of Anne Boleyn: Family politics at the court of Henry VIII (Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 229n.
68. Household Ordinances, pp. 151–52.
69. SP 1/167, f. 136.
70. Lisle Letters, IV, 155–56; LP, XIV, ii, 1026.
10. The Queen’s Brothers
1. BL: Addit. MS 46, 348, f. 6b.
2. Burnet, I, p. 568, mentions consternation in Parliament at the King’s request. LP, XV, 697, states that the request was granted without open complaint.
3. Matilda of Boulogne, whose husband seized the throne as King Stephen in December 1135, was crowned separately at Easter 1136, since her husband’s coronation was probably intended to directly mirror that of his predecessor, Henry I—see Edmund King, King Stephen (Yale University Press, 2010), pp. 47–48, 56–57. The reasons for Marguerite of France never being crowned are unclear, since by all accounts her marriage to Edward I was a happy one. He commissioned a goldsmith, Thomas de Frowick, to make a crown for her to wear after her wedding, but the decision to skip a coronation may have had something to do with the prominence of Edward’s first wife, Eleanor of Castile, who was mother to the living heir apparent, the future Edward II. There is no other logical explanation for Philippa of Hainault’s coronation being delayed for nearly two years except at the instigation of the queen regent, Isabella of France.
4. Starkey, Six Wives, p. 602.
5. She arrived at Windsor on August 17 and did not return to Hampton Court until December 18—LP, XV, 963; XVI, 325.
6. LP, XVI, 60, 311.
7. LP, XV, 963, 996; XVI, 26, 112, 114, 124, 179.
8. LP, XV, 259.
9. LP, XVI, 503, grant 25.
10. Sarah Morris and Natalie Grueninger, In the Footsteps of Anne Boleyn (Stroud, England: Amberley, 2015), pp. 87–90.
11. LP, XVI, 1389.
12. Kaulek, 246.
13. Morris and Grueninger, pp. 131–32.
14. Thurley, p. 193.
15. Ibid.
16. LP, XVI, 11. De Marillac was born between 1510 and 1513.
17. Cavendish, II, p. 66.
18. Thomas, p. 58.
19. LP, XVI, 12.
20. In 2009, the then Wales Herald Extraordinary, Dr. Michael Powell Siddons, could find no information on any specific heraldic device or beast associated with Catherine, in contrast to all five of Henry’s other queens—see Michael Powell Siddons, Heraldic Badges in England and Wales (Woodbridge, England: Society of Antiquaries of London, 2009), Volume I, p. 116; Volume II, part I, pp. 21–25, 132.
21. Inventory, II, 94; Hall’s Chronicle, p. 834.
22. LP, XVI, 12.
23. Strickland, III, p. 122.
24. For the coin debate, see Starkey, Six Wives, p. 810.
25. LP, XVI, 1389.
26. LP, XVI, 32.
27. LP, XVI, 60.
28. Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, pp. 16–19.
29. LP, XVI, 60.
30. LP, XVI, 41, 61, 62.
31. LP, XVI, 284, 286. Lord Grey became 1st Viscount Grane in the Irish peerage in 1536, but he was still referred to as Lord Leonard Grey by many of his contemporaries by 1540.
32. LP, XVI, 334.
33. Cal. S. P. Milan, I, 131.
34. J. L. Laynesmith, The Last Medieval Queens: English Queenship, 1445–1603 (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 182.
35. Hamilton, p. 127.
36. LP, XVI, 27.
37. LP, XVI, 128; Burnet, IV, p. 64.
38. LP, XVI, 128.
39. SP 1/167, f. 131.
40. Henry is named first in Sir John Leigh’s will from 1524, but Charles precedes him in Dame Isabel Leigh’s in 1527. W. Bruce Bannerman (ed.), The Visitations of the County of Surrey (London: Harleian Society, 1899), XLIII, p. 21, is the only source which
puts George first, however it omits Henry entirely. W. Bruce Bannerman (ed.), The Visitations of Kent (London: Harleian Society, 1924), LXXV, i, p. 81, gives Henry as the eldest and Charles as the youngest.
41. Burnet IV, p. 64.
42. LP, XVI, 1056, grant 16.
43. Patricia Buchanan, Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots (Edinburgh and London: Scottish Academic Press, 1985), p. 255.
44. Frederic Madden, Narrative of the Visit of the Duke of Najera to England, in the Year 1543–4 (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1831), p. 352; Thurley, p. 131. Other people allocated double lodgings at all the palaces included Thomas Cromwell and the future Queen Mary I.
45. LP, XIII, ii, 622.
46. Original Letters, III, iii, 309.
47. Hall’s Chronicle, p. 819.
48. Kimberly Schutte, A Biography of Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox (1515–1578) (Lewiston, NY: Edward Mellen Press, 2002), p. 27.
49. Brenan and Statham, I, pp. 305–7, which also includes fanciful descriptions of Catherine’s “tearful entreaties” in 1540 for the pair to be allowed to marry. Schutte, pp. 72–73, dates the affair to 1541 but repeats the story that Margaret was sent to Syon. Later in her life, when Margaret listed her previous detentions, she made no mention of being rusticated for her involvement with Charles Howard. Alison Weir’s biography of Lady Margaret Douglas was published after this manuscript was first submitted, but before publication; Miss Weir also concludes that there is no evidence to support that the affair was discovered and punished in 1540—Alison Weir, The Lost Tudor Princess: A Life of Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox (London: Jonathan Cape, 2015), pp. 89–93.
50. LP, XVI, 1067, grant 16.
51. LP, XVI, 183.
52. LP, XVI, 91.
53. Baynton hosted Anne Boleyn at his home in August 1535, but this should not necessarily be taken as a sign of affection or intimacy between the pair—likewise, their shared sympathies for religious reform. The Queen most likely used her visit as a base for her charitable operations in the area, see Ives, Life and Death, p. 262.
54. Ives, Life and Death, p. 326.
55. Bindoff, I, p. 402.
56. LP, VI, 613. It seems highly unlikely that this letter regarding celebrations after the Queen’s coronation in 1533 was a veiled reference to sexual activity, especially when it is remembered that the letter was written to the Queen’s brother and she was pregnant at the time—see Ives, Life and Death, pp. 182–83. Cf. G. W. Bernard, Anne Boleyn: Fatal Attractions (Yale University Press, 2010), pp. 185–86.
57. Tremlett, pp. 167–68; Sir Anthony Browne was the King’s master of the horse during Catherine’s tenure. At the time of his quarrel with his sister, the office was held by Sir Nicholas Carew. Browne’s interrogation of his sister has resulted in a recent academic dispute and, quite possibly, to its exaggeration. For the argument that it is central to explaining Anne Boleyn’s downfall see Bernard, Anne Boleyn pp. 152–55. For the suggestion that the disagreement between the siblings has been exaggerated and conflated with the downfall of the Queen later that summer, see Ives, Life and Death, pp. 331–35 and Warnicke, Rise and Fall, p. 299n.
58. LP, V, 748; XIII, 450.
59. LP, XVI, 223.
11. The Return of Francis Dereham
1. It is unclear if Catherine also received the extra twenty-eight manors that were given to Katherine Parr later in her marriage. Hamilton, pp. 141–42, believes both queens had the same amount of property, which would give Catherine 133 manors in twenty counties; fifteen boroughs; six castles; and other related properties.
2. LP, I, I, 94 (35); VII, 419 (25); Hamilton, p. 142.
3. LP, XVI, 503, grant 25.
4. Ives, Life and Death, pp. 214–16; Hamilton, pp. 147–62.
5. LP, XV, 21; XIX, ii, 165, 534, 677, 749, 767; Add., 1694, 1742, 1735.
6. LP, XIX, ii, 165.
7. Proceedings of the Privy Council, VII, pp. 105–7.
8. LP, XVI, 423.
9. The Birth of Mankind was first published in German in 1533. It was the work of Eucharius Roeslin (d. c. 1554), and its first English translation was by Richard Jonas in 1540. Richard J. Durling, A Catalogue of Sixteenth Century Printed Books in the National Library of Medicine (Bethesda, MD: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1967), pp. 503–4.
10. Macculloch, Thomas Cranmer, p. 272.
11. LP, XVI, 316.
12. Aysha Pollnitz, “Religion and Translation at the Court of Henry VIII: Princess Mary, Katherine Parr and the Paraphrases of Erasmus,” in Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman, (eds), Mary Tudor: Old and New Perspectives (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 132–36.
13. Cal. S.P. Span., VI, i, 143.
14. Cal. S.P. Span., VI, i, 151.
15. SP 1/168, f. 53.
16. LP, XVI, 1409.
17. Steven G. Ellis, Ireland in the Age of the Tudors, 1447–1603 (London: Longman, 1998), pp. 36–37.
18. Ciarán Brady, “Comparable histories?: Tudor reform in Wales and Ireland” in Steven G. Ellis and Sarah Barber (eds), Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725 (London: Longman Group, 1995), p. 66.
19. Mary O’Dowd, “Gaelic Economy and Society” in Ciarán Brady and Raymond Gillespie (eds), Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society, 1534–1641 (Bungay, Ireland: Irish Academic Press, 1986), pp. 120–47; Colm Lennon, The Lords of Dublin in the Age of Reformation (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1989), pp. 105, 195.
20. Herbert, p. 534.
21. SP 1/167, f. 136. Lady Margaret Howard gave the man’s name as “one Stafford,” but it is unlikely that this was Katherine Carey’s stepfather, William Stafford. If it had been, he would have likely been specified by name.
22. SP 1/168, f. 53 supports the idea that it was Dereham who first suggested it, though, frustratingly, the answers of the Dowager Duchess of Norfolk and the Countess of Bridgewater have not survived.
23. Why they were not destroyed as soon as they were handed over is an intriguing question, and perhaps the safest answer is the aforementioned theory of buying Dereham’s silence by which the Dowager Duchess could keep them in a chest but Dereham kept the key.
24. SP 1/168, f. 85.
25. An exception is Starkey, Six Wives, pp. 661–62, which describes Dereham as a member of the household. The rest generally build on Smith, A Tudor Tragedy, pp. 148–49, that Dereham was appointed as the Queen’s private secretary in August 1541.
26. Household Ordinances, p. 199.
27. Mary Saaler, Anne of Cleves: Fourth Wife of Henry VIII (London: Rubicon Press, 1995), p. 78.
28. LP, XVI, 268.
29. Bindoff, II, p. 429; SP 1/157, fos. 13–14; LP, XV, 21.
12. Jewels
1. LP, XVI, 325.
2. Morris and Grueninger, pp. 95–97.
3. Kaulek, 246.
4. LP, XVI, 528.
5. LP, XVI, 325.
6. LP, XVI, 379, grant 34.
7. LP, XV, 940.
8. LP, XVI, 503, grant 14.
9. For Elizabeth Seymour, see Luke MacMahon “Ughtred, Sir Anthony (d. 1534), soldier” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004); Teri Fitzgerald, “Elizabeth Seymour” in Tudor Life (December 2014), pp. 43–51; Tracy Borman, Thomas Cromwell: The Untold Story of Henry VIII’s Most Faithful Servant (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 2014), pp. 282–84.
10. Some estimates put Lady Cromwell’s birth to c. 1500–5, which would have made her older than Jane, who was born c. 1508. Other evidence would suggest c. 1513; 1518 has also been put forward.
11. Borman, pp. 282–83.
12. Original Letters, III, iii, 354.
13. This physical description of Chapuys is based on portraits of him at the Musée-château and Lycée Berthollet, both in Annecy, France—see plates 1 and 18 in Lauren Mackay, Inside the Tudor Court: Henry VIII and His Six Wives Through the Writings of the Spanish Ambassador, Eustace Chapuys (Stroud, England: Amberley, 2014). The latter image i
s reproduced in this work by kind permission of Lauren Mackay.
14. Mackay, pp. 18–19, 202–3.
15. Hall’s Chronicle, p. 840; LP, XV, 953.
16. Hall’s Chronicle, p. 840. Holinshed, III, p. 819, describes him as the last “till queen Maries daies.”
17. Mackay, pp. 168–72.
18. Mackay, pp. 182–83, 202–3; Cal. S. P. Span., VI, i, 135.
19. Cal. S. P. Span., VI, i, 144.
20. Kate Heard and Lucy Whitaker, The Northern Renaissance: Dürer to Holbein (St. James’s Palace: Royal Collection Enterprises, 2011), p. 83.
21. Brett Dolman, “Wishful Thinking: Reading the Portraits of Henry VIII’s Queens” in Betteridge and Lipscomb, pp. 124–26.
22. Roland Hui, “Two New Faces?: The Horenbolte Portraits of Mary and Thomas Boleyn” (Tudor Faces, online, 2011).
23. Sir Roy Strong, Tudor and Jacobean Portraits (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1969), I, p. 43. A colored version of the sketch, described as Catherine Howard, was printed by Francesco Bartolozzi in 1797 and in the 1850s, Strickland, III, p. 124, accepted the sketch as a likeness of Catherine and based her description of her appearance on it, which seems to have been the origin of the myth that Catherine was curvaceous, repeated in many subsequent histories.
24. Susan E. James and Jamie S. Franco, “Susanna Horenbout, Levinia Teerlinc and the Mask of Royalty” in Jaarboek Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten Antwerp (2000).
25. It was acquired by the Yale Center for British Art in 1970 via a sale at Sotheby’s. I am grateful to Dr. Edward Town for his extremely kind help with my questions about the miniature. For the Yale miniature, see Sir Roy Strong, The English Renaissance Miniature (London: Thames and Hudson, 1984), p. 44; David Starkey et al., Lost Faces: Identity and Discovery in Tudor Royal Portraiture (Exhibit Catalogue, London: Philip Mould Ltd., 2007), pp. 79–83.
26. Christopher Morris, The Tudors (London: Collins, 1955), fig. 15; Fraser, p. 315, is more tentative on the Sheba attribution, describing it as a possible “tantalising glimpse.”
Young and Damned and Fair Page 50
