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  the headquarters, and they (the military

  brass) were always there. They were

  always on the net, and were always

  listening in with everybody else..... from my

  perspective there is no doubt in my mind

  that the FAA security organization knew

  what to do. There is no doubt in my mind

  that the air traffic organization knew what

  to do. They are the two key players in that

  type of scenario.... this is very, very

  important, in response to your question....

  the NMCC was called. They were added to

  this open communication net. In my 30

  years of history, there was always

  somebody listening to that net..... I truly do

  not mean this to be defensive, but it is a fact

  -- there were military people on duty at the

  FAA Command Center on the morning of

  9/11, as Mr. Sliney said. They were

  participating in what was going on. There

  were military people in the FAA's Air Traffic

  Organization in a situation room. They were

  participating in what was going on.”

  This was another testimony which the Commission felt was

  ‘incorrect.’ Some have been quick to suggest that Belger was

  defending himself and his own service with his testimony.

  'Maybe so' say the conspiracists, but he is not alone in

  attesting to a clear readiness to respond that fateful

  morning.

  The Commission reported that Boston ATCs were aware of

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  the tell-tale signs of the possible hijacking of Flight 11 at

  08.14. It tells us that the ATC “....reached out to the pilot on

  the emergency frequency. Though there was no response, he

  kept trying to contact the aircraft.”

  At this point the ATC's would start instigating alert

  protocols. They wouldn't assume it was a hijacking but

  would definitely consider it a possibility. We also learn that

  AA Flight 11 turned its transponder off at 08.21 (though

  others placed this a minute earlier). This would have

  necessitated full implementation of security safeguards.

  Lt. Col. Dawne Deskins of the Air National Guard confirmed

  the military had received hijacking information by 08:30.

  Even this was longer than procedure recommended. Yet the

  Commission insisted that NORAD weren't notified until

  08.37. There is no evidence offered that accounts for this 23

  minute delay between identification and alert. Two

  potentially key testimonies could have perhaps shed some

  light upon this otherwise inexplicable breakdown. However,

  they raise more concerns than they resolve.

  Former corporate lawyer Benedict Sliney was the Command

  Center National Operations Manager (CCNOM) on 9/11.

  Sliney was reportedly offered the position a second time by

  Jack Kies (FAA Tactical Operations Manager,) having

  previously declined it 6 months earlier.[43]

  Before retraining as a lawyer, Sliney had accrued extensive

  experience as an ATC, changing career direction in the 90s.

  While an attorney, Sliney had represented numerous

  financial investment firms, including Merrill Lynch in 2000.

  Shortly after his successful representation of M.L he gave up

  his lucrative legal career to return to Air Traffic Control,

  choosing, despite Kies offer of the Command Center post, to

  work at a less senior level for the first few months.

  On 9/11 Sliney was outranked by others (notably Linda

  Schuessler and John White) but their Commission

  testimonies clearly placed the lead operational management

  responsibility on Sliney's shoulders. Surprising then, say the

  conspiracists, that Sliney barely warrants a mention in the

  official report. Especially given that 9/11 was, coincidentally,

  his very first day in the role of CCNOM.

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  Perhaps, they contend, this was because Sliney said he was

  notified of a hijack in progress sometime between 08.15 and

  08.20. He could only have received this via front desk ATCs.

  Therefore, they did discharge their responsibilities and

  followed alert procedures, without the need of a ‘7500

  squawk.’ Or maybe it was because Sliney didn't appear to

  know who the FAA Hijack Coordinator was, or where to find

  them. It was his first day on the job after all.

  As it turned out, the FAA headquarters hijack coordinator

  was Lt. Gen. Michael A. Canavan. A former Special Forces

  soldier, Canavan had risen through the ranks to a senior

  command posts within JSOC (Joint Special Operations

  Command.) The Hijack Coordinator role was the key link

  between the FAA and the military. Canavan was appointed

  as Associate Administrator for Civil Aviation Security by FAA

  Administrator Jane Garvey, only 9 months before 9/11.

  Garvey was present in FAA headquarters on 9/11.

  The 9/11 Commission made scant mention of the

  importance of the Hijack Coordinator. Neither did it

  reference the fact that Canavan held that vital position,

  acknowledging instead only his JSOC role. So when Canavan

  stated that he was in Puerto Rico and had missed

  “everything that happened,” it seems odd that the

  Commission didn't pursue him more vigorously. Nor try to

  identify who was supposed to be the Hijack Coordinator that

  morning.

  Coincidentally, Canavan was not the only key senior figure

  absent that day. Hugh Shelton, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs

  of Staff, the highest ranking military official, was also absent

  from his office on the morning of 9/11. As was the acting

  Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff (in Shelton's absence)

  Richard Myers, who continued to attend his scheduled

  meeting even after being informed the second tower had

  been hit.[44]

  The most significant, in a string of high ranking absentees,

  was Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. According to the

  stated procedure, he had the ultimate responsibility for

  authorising a military response. Unfortunately no one could

  get hold of him.[45]

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  Seeing as the President was reading poems to school

  children in Florida at the time (remaining with the children

  for more than 30 minutes after it was known the U.S. was

  under an attack and that he could well have been a target

  himself,) Rumsfeld, rather than Vice President Cheney, was

  the effective military Commander in Chief.

  The protocol for the Secretary of Defense to assume full

  command of any military response, if the U.S. was under

  attack, had been in place since 1997. This agreement was

  amended, with Rumsfeld's signed approval, in June 2001.

  Rumsfeld certainly knew what his responsibilities were. He

  began the day with an 08.00 meeting with members of

  Congress at the Pentagon. Coincidentally, as recounted by

  Rumsfeld himself, his comments at that meeting were

  spookily portentous:[45]

  “.....sometime in the next two, four, six,

  eight,
ten, twelve months there would be an

  event that would occur in the world that

  would be sufficiently shocking that it would

  remind people again how important it is to

  have a strong healthy defence department

  that contributes to -- that underpins peace

  and stability in our world.”

  Rumsfeld stated that someone informed him of the 08.46

  strike on the WTC by handing him a note. This was

  reportedly sent from his special assistant Larry Di Rita.

  Rather than consider any possible need to instigate

  emergency protocols, Rumsfeld simply adjourned the

  meeting and returned to his office prior to his normal,

  scheduled CIA briefing.

  The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs, Torie

  Clarke, said that she and Larry Di Rita watched the second

  WTC strike live on TV at 09.03. They knew immediately that

  the U.S. was under attack and started the emergency

  procedures. Just down the hall from Rumsfeld's office, the

  Pentagon’s Executive Support Center (ESC) kicked into gear

  and Clarke and Di Rita headed to Rumsfeld's office with

  haste.

  Having informed Rumsfeld they expected him to immediately

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  head to either to the ESC or the next door National Military

  Command Center (NMCC) to coordinate the response.

  However, he apparently decided to “make a few phone calls”

  from his office and told them he planned to attend his

  scheduled CIA briefing instead.

  According to his Pentagon police bodyguard, Aubrey Davis,

  Rumsfeld remained in his office until the Pentagon was hit

  by Flight 77. Rumsfeld's testimony given to the 9/11

  Commission doesn't clarify why he remained isolated in his

  office, on the other side of the building, instead of assuming

  his duties. What Rumsfeld did next was also contrary to the

  procedure he had already been ignoring for more than an

  hour. Rather than head to the NMCC, in spite of

  protestations from Davis and others, Rumsfeld headed off to

  the crash scene, in silence, without telling anyone where he

  was going.

  Here he was coincidentally filmed acting in the role of first

  responder. If ‘saving lives’ was his concern, getting in the

  way of professional first responders was just about the worst

  thing he could have done. However, it was something his

  public relations aid Tori Clarke was later keen to highlight:

  “Secretary Rumsfeld was one of the first

  people

  out

  there

  after

  it

  happened.......There’s example after

  example of heroism, of people who helped at

  the crash site, trying to help victims and get

  people to ambulances.”

  While Rumsfeld was being filmed acting heroically, seeing as

  no one knew what other attacks may be underway, his staff

  were frantically trying to get hold of him because they

  needed him to defend the nation. Assuming temporary

  command of the NMCC, Captain Charles Leidig was among

  them. He stressed Rumsfeld's crucial role.

  “In an age when an enemy attack might

  allow only a few minutes for detection and

  reaction, control of American military power

  became vested in the National Command

  Authority.....the NCA is the ultimate source

  of

  military

  orders,

  uniquely

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  empowered......In time of war, therefore,

  Rumsfeld was effectively the president’s

  partner, the direct link to the fighting forces,

  and all orders had to go through him.”

  The first time Rumsfeld appears to have done anything

  remotely useful was at 13:00 when he finally issued the

  rules of engagement. Although, by then, it was irrelevant.

  Conspiracy theorists are by no means the only people who

  have emphasised that Rumsfeld failed miserably in his duty

  to protect the American public during the 9/11 attacks. They

  also point out that it is the globally distributed MSM images,

  showing his gallant first responder efforts, that have largely

  endured in the public's imagination.

  On the morning of 9/11, the Commander in Chief (Bush),

  his acting replacement in the defence command structure

  (Rumsfeld), The Highest ranking military officer (Shelton), his

  acting stand in (Myers) and the key Hijack Coordinator

  (Canavan – who apparently had no acting stand in) were all

  either absent from their posts or otherwise engaged. An

  incredibly unfortunate string of coincidences, as it was the

  precise moment their obligation to act was at its most

  critical.

  Another person, whose behaviour seemed unusual, claim the

  conspiracists, was the Vice President Dick Cheney. The 9/11

  Commission accepted Cheney's 'off the record' account that

  he witnessed the second WTC strike on TV and was

  evacuated by the Secret Service to the Presidential

  Emergency Operations Center bunker (PEOC) at 09.37. This

  coincided with CNN press reports of his movement timeline

  printed in 2002, prior to the instigation of the investigatory

  9/11 Commission.

  However, among many of the testimonies which the

  Commission ignored, or felt were 'incorrect,' was that of

  Secretary of Transportation Norman Mineta. Unlike Cheney,

  he did give his testimony under oath to the Commission.

  Mineta was also evacuated to the PEOC. However, his sworn

  testimony directly contradicted Cheney's account.

  Mineta placed Cheney in the PEOC at least as early as

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  09.20. He then offered his recollection of a conversation

  Cheney had with one of his aids in the minutes leading up to

  the Pentagon strike:

  “During the time that the airplane was

  coming into the Pentagon, there was a

  young man who would come in and say to

  the Vice President…the plane is 50 miles

  out…the plane is 30 miles out….and when it

  got down to the plane is 10 miles out, the

  young man also said to the vice president

  'do the orders still stand?' And the Vice

  President turned and whipped his neck

  around and said 'Of course the orders still

  stand, have you heard anything to the

  contrary?'”

  Mineta said he assumed this was an order to shoot the plane

  down. However, conspiracy theorists remind people, the

  destruction of the aircraft was already the default position.

  By the time of his testimony, Mineta knew full well it was not

  an order to shoot AA Flight 77 down.

  It is very unusual for an aid to question orders, especially

  those issued by the Vice President of the United States. This

  may explain Cheney's reportedly angry reaction. If Mineta's

  testimony was accurate, why would the young man he

  mentioned risk his career by repeatedly haranguing the Vice

  President about the hijacked planes inexorable approach to
<
br />   the Pentagon? If the standing order was to shoot it down,

  which it was, this would have been unnecessary.

  Obviously its destruction, whilst in flight, didn't happen. Yet

  Cheney apparently stated “the orders still stand.” So this was

  not a shoot down order. Therefore, if the suspicions are

  correct (& the logic seems OK) the order must have been 'not'

  to shoot it down. To let it hit the Pentagon. MIHOP or

  LIHOP? Take your pick, say conspiracists.

  This could all be a result of the 'sods law probability.' Maybe

  Mineta felt like making accusations against Cheney, under

  oath, for a laugh. Who knows? Nearly every aspect of the

  conspiracy narrative has been debated, debunked, re-

  examined and fought over for nearly two decades.

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  The conspiracists say all of this is corroborated, checkable

  evidence that suggests the possibility of foreknowledge and

  potentially deliberate planning. The ultimate aim of which

  was to continue the profitable expansion of the same

  'military industrial intelligence complex' former President

  Eisenhower warned everyone about in 1961.

  Those who accept the official account say it proves doodly-

  squat aside from unsubstantiated, politically motivated

  conspiracy theories, determined to create a finger pointing

  narrative for what was nothing more than disastrous

  'clusterfuck' (to use military parlance.)

  All I can report is the conspiracy theorists I have met

  honestly believe the events surrounding 9/11 are

  questionable. They claim there is further evidence which

  supports their suspicions of a hidden 'Deep State' agenda at

  the heart of the Bush administration.

  Regardless of whether they are right, is their belief 'idiotic'

  simply because it questions the official account most of us

  accept? Or, given the evidence they claim, is their belief

  reasonable? The only way any of us can decide is to look at it

  ourselves and make up our own minds.

  While the 9/11 debate is the verbal and intellectual

  equivalent of a playground spat, there is at least one other

  broad area of agreement. Both conspiracists and believers of

  the official account agree the ATC's screens were unusually

  cluttered and available interceptor numbers were below

  normal levels. Mainstream analysis claims these ATC

  complications were yet more unfortunate coincidences which

 

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