Mrs. DuBois has long been active in world Communist circles. Her background is important here to show the strange inter-weaving of characters now attempting to infiltrate and agitate the Negro communities of the U.S.
Mrs. DuBois knew the Castro brothers, Fidel and Raoul, in Mexico as far back as the late ‘40s. She is now associated with the pro-Communist Freedomways, a publication allegedly devoted to the Negroes.
In the past few years she has been a prolific writer in defense of the pro-Communist dictatorial state of Ghana.
Intelligence agents of several countries now are eager to learn just how Black Nationalist leader Malcolm X made contact with such Communist activists as Mrs. DuBois. Of considerable interest is the source of Malcolm X’s funds now that the Muslims under Elijah Muhammad have declared war on him.
Malcolm X has been making expensive and extensive trips across Africa. I ran into his trail in several cities—especially in Ibadan, Nigeria, where he delivered speeches so anti-U.S., so incendiary, that they could be printed only on asbestos.
It is also being noticed that the Chinese Communist broadcasts have been featuring him and his splinter sect.
Why?
At Ibadan, Nigeria
The New York Journal American, dated July 25, 1964, contained an article written by VICTOR REISEL, captioned “Malcolm X Gives Africa Twisted Look.” This article, datelined Ibadan, Nigeria, states:
I’m a long way from Harlem but not very far from Malcolm X and his Moslem Mosque, Inc. The effect of what he told university students in this city still reverberates in this land of 40 million people—good people, friendly people— eager to reach across the sea to us. But many of the young men and women in this town now shudder when they think of us—for Malcolm X was here, brutalizing us, charging us with being a vast national torture chamber.
He so aroused students at the Ibadan University during a lecture here that they threw a university staff member off the platform when the latter attempted to defend the U.S.
The least of what Malcolm shouted here was an ultimatum to the whites in America that they soon must face violence from his forces back home.
He literally screamed that the whites had made the American Negroes “drunkards and trained (them) to be hardened criminals, as the result of which American Negroes think of themselves as no more than above wild animals.”
Knowing full well the hatred of the African for the African government of the Union of South Africa, Malcolm X then screamed: “Racial discrimination in the U.S. is worse than apartheid in South Africa.”
Then he endangered the lives of many American youngsters of all races who are now teaching Africans in the veld, in the bush and in the Kraals and villages how to string electric lights, build schools, put in windows, and read their native language. Malcolm X did this by charging:
The U.S. Peace Corps members are all espionage agents and have a special assignment to perform. They are spies of the American government, missionaries of colonialism and neo-colonialism.
From here he went to Winneba, Ghana, where he addressed the students at the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute, which is pro-Communist and where they hate us, anyway. There he said to hundreds of students that “the only language the whites understand is force and nothing else.” He was cheered.
In other cities he got tougher. A cause is a cause, but trying to start an international racial war gets to be mighty dangerous.
The New York Times, dated August 13, 1964, contained an article captioned, “Malcolm X Seeks UN Negro Debate—He Asks African States to Cite United States Over Rights.” This article, datelined Washington, August 12, states:
The State Department and the Justice Department have begun to take an interest in Malcolm X’s campaign to convince African states to raise the question of persecution of American Negroes at the United Nations.
The Black Nationalist leader started his campaign July 17 in Cairo, where the 33 heads of independent African states held their second meeting since the Organization of African Unity was founded in Addis Ababa 14 months ago. . . .
Malcolm also warned the heads of the African states that their countries would have no future unless the American Negro problem was solved. He said:
Your problems will never be fully solved until and unless ours are solved. You will never be fully respected until and unless we are also respected. You will never be recognized as free human beings until and unless we are also recognized and treated as human beings.
Asserting that the Negro problem is not one of civil rights but of human rights, Malcolm said:
If United States Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg a few weeks ago, could find legal grounds to threaten to bring Russia before the United Nations and charge her with violating the human rights of less than three million Russian Jews—what makes our African brothers hesitate to bring the United States Government before the United Nations and charge her with violating the human rights of 22 million African-Americans?
We pray that our African brothers have not freed themselves of European colonialism only to be overcome and held in check by American dollarism. Don’t let American racism be “legalized” by American dollarism.
Malcolm argued that “if South African racism is not a domestic issue, then American racism also is not a domestic issue.”
The Black Nationalist, who quit the Chicago-based Black Muslim movement led by Elijah Muhammad to form his non-sectarian Organization of Afro-American Unity, said it was the intention of his group in coalition with other Negro groups “to elevate our freedom struggle above the domestic level of civil rights.”
At Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
[BUREAU DELETION] advised on 10/6/64 that on 10/3/64 MALCOLM X, during a three day visit to Addis Ababa, addressed the open student assembly of the university college at the invitation of the University College Student Union. There was an estimated audience of five hundred to six hundred persons consisting primarily of Ethiopian students and others consisting of faculty members and outside visitors.
After a flattering and enthusiastic introduction by a student leader (“known throughout Africa as a man standing for principle, truth and justice”) Malcolm X presented a rather surprisingly low-keyed lecture which stressed two major purposes of his safari in Africa: 1) to remain away from the U.S. until after the election in order to avoid making the decision as to whether he (and presumably American Negroes in general) would be devoured by “a fox or a wolf”; and 2) to attempt to persuade the independent African nations to haul the U.S. before the UN on charges of being “unable or unwilling” to give the American Negro his civil rights.
Malcolm X’s speech employed clever distortions of truth to lead to distorted conclusions—e.g., when World War II started, the U.S. was not taking Negroes into the army or navy for fear they would learn to use weapons against whites. The tone of the speech reflected Malcolm’s assertion at the beginning that he had just concluded two months of “quiet rearrangement” of his “thinking” in Cairo. He was not nearly so emotional as he sometimes has been in the past, nor did he lay himself open to traps as often as he is sometimes prone to do.
The audience response was good, with several interruptions for applause, particularly during his attacks on the United States’ effort in Africa.
Following Malcolm’s speech the student moderator felt compelled to note that of course African students don’t believe that United States aid comes “out of human kindness.” The four questions from the audience were rather bland, but did permit Malcolm to develop the theme that while Goldwater was a rather open racist, Johnson (“the fox”) was more subtle, but that the latter’s record during thirty years in Congress was also that of a racist. In discussing the coming election, he stated that the American people don’t govern, that southern-dominated congressional committees control under the seniority system and it is they “who send military equipment to Tshombe.”
In answering the final question, he emphasized the relative unity between himself and such leaders as Ma
rtin Luther King, saying that their differences were primarily differences of method rather than goals. “The main difference is that he doesn’t mind being beat up and I do.”
[BUREAU DELETION] advised on 10/19/64 that the local press in Nairobi (not further identified) reported that MALCOLM X flew from Dar-es-Salaam to Kenya with African leaders KENYATTA and OBOTE on October 18, 1964. MALCOLM is quoted as saying that Americans will never voluntarily give American Negroes freedom until forced to and that as ministers they (Negroes) do not have the forces. According to MALCOLM, Africa has the key to the Negro problem solution and will determine the degrees of freedom because the African leaders hold the strategic power balance in world affairs. He said that part of his mission to Africa was to make (African) leaders aware of their position of power. He stated that American aid was not a favor to Africa because Africa contributed human flesh to the American economy. MALCOLM further stated that he was surprised at the support which African leaders have for the American Negro cause. According to MALCOLM they had all showed him unlimited concern and sympathy.
MALCOLM X left Addis Ababa on October 19, 1964.
At Lagos, Nigeria
[BUREAU DELETION] advised on 11/6/64 that MALCOLM X visited Lagos for the second time on October 29, 1964. He previously visited Lagos in May, 1964.
On his arrival on October 29, 1964, he held a press conference. MALCOLM X was quoted as saying that he was “touring Africa to better acquaint himself with the problems facing the continent so that he could tell his people at home about these problems, factually and in detail.” MALCOLM X said that “one of the greatest problems facing Africa was internal squabbling” and continued, “in East Africa it is the Africans against the Asians, and in West Africa, it is the Moslem against Christians and all these are fed by outside force.”
At Conakry, French West Africa
[BUREAU DELETION] advised on 11/14/64 that MALCOLM X left Conakry by plane on November 13, 1964. He was “GOG Guest” and carried a visitor’s visa. He visited the hospital ship “SS Hope” twice accompanied by a GOG interpreter and took pictures. He was enthusiastic about “Project Hope,” saying “it was the best United States project he had seen in Africa and especially commended integration aboard ship.”
Return to United States from African Tour on 11/24/64:
[BUREAU DELETION] New York City, advised on November 24, 1964, that passenger manifest list of TWA flight 801, Paris, France, contained the name “SHABAZZ.” This flight was scheduled to arrive at JFK International Airport, 6:00 P.M., November 24, 1964.
Special Agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) observed MALCOLM X arriving JFK International Airport via TWA flight 801 from Paris, France, at 6:41 P.M., November 24, 1964.
At London, England, November 30
1964 to December 6, 1964
On November 27, 1964, [BUREAU DELETION] British Overseas Airways Corporation (BOAC), New York City, advised that MALCOLM LITTLE was scheduled to leave New York City via BOAC from JFK International Airport and to arrive in London, England, December 1, 1964. He further stated that MALCOLM LITTLE planned to return to the United States on December 6, 1964 [BUREAU DELETION].
At a reception for MALCOLM X held on November 29, 1964, sponsored by the OAAU, he remarked that he was traveling to London, England, on November 30, 1964, and would debate at Oxford University on December 1, 1964.
[BUREAU DELETION]
MISCELLANEOUS
On September 4, 1964, [BUREAU DELETION] Rome, New York, furnished the following information to SA [BUREAU DELETION].
[BUREAU DELETION] stated that on September 1, 1964, he visited the office of ALEXANDER PALMER HALEY, a Negro writer and newspaper correspondent at 414 West Dominick Street, Rome, New York, on an official matter. According to [BUREAU DELETION] HALEY advised he had just completed a book he had written concerning MALCOLM X LITTLE. [BUREAU DELETION] HALEY indicated he had been in contact with MALCOLM X on more than one occasion in regard to this writing, and that he, HALEY, and MALCOLM are to share in the royalties expected from this book.
OPINION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE
A. Re MALCOLM X
By letter dated September 2, 1964, J. WALTER YEAGLEY, Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division, Department of Justice, advised that MALCOLM K. LITTLE aka MALCOLM X, in the course of his recent tour of the Middle East and African countries, has reportedly been in communication and contact with heads of foreign governments urging that they take the issue of “racialism” in America before the United Nations as a threat to world peace.
Mr. YEAGLEY indicated that since such activities could conceivably fall within the provisions of the Logan Act, and are moreover deemed to be inimical to the best interests of our country and prejudicial to our foreign policy, the Department of Justice requested the Secretary of State to make appropriate inquiries of our embassies in the Middle East and Africa for any pertinent information concerning MALCOLM X’s alleged contacts and communications with heads of foreign governments.
Mr. YEAGLEY expressed concern over the fact that MALCOLM X’s activities abroad indicate a possible violation of the Logan Act.
B. Re MMI
By letter dated September 28, 1964, Mr. YEAGLEY advised that if evidence is available which will establish the MMI has been or is receiving funds from any Arab or African government, or is acting at the order, request or under the direction of the foreign government, it may be obligated to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
SECTION 15
February 4, 1965–February 25, 1965
REPORTS:
1. February 4, 1965. SAC, Chicago to Director.
Airtel
2. February 8, 1965. New York
3. February 9, 1965. New York
4. February 10, 1965. Paris, Jack Monet article, New York Herald Tribune
5. February 16, 1965. New York
6. February 17, 1965. SAC, Detroit to Director. Airtel
7. February 17, 1965. Detroit
8. February 16, 1965. New York
9. February 19, 1965. SAC, Chicago to Director. Airtel
10. February 18, 1965. New York to Director. Teletype
11. February 22, 1965. New York to Director. Teletype
12. February 22, 1965. New York to Director. Teletype
13. February 23, 1965. Washington D.C. to Director. Teletype
14. February 24, 1965. Memo. Philadelphia
15. February 22, 1965. Memo. Baumgardner to Sullivan
16. February 22, 1965. Memo. Bland to Sullivan
17. February 22, 1965. Chicago to Director. Teletype
18. February 22, 1965. Memo. Bland to Sullivan
19. February 22, 1965. Memo. Bland to Sullivan
20. February 24, 1965. New York to Director. Teletype
21. February 25, 1965. Memo. SAC, New York to Director
This section, one of the most confusing, covers the period leading up to the assassination and the assassination itself. The furious pace of his schedule increased even more in the month of February as Malcolm inwardly conceded that his life was nearing its end. He actively rethought his philosophy and was, as he said in his autobiography, “man enough to tell you that I can’t put my finger on exactly what my philosophy is now, but I’m flexible” (p.428).
He apparently covered his finances for this final period with a $20,000 advance on his autobiography from the publishers, Dou-bleday and Co., but even these funds would be spent by the time of his death.
His final weeks were clearly frustrating for him. Authorities denied him entrance into France on February 9, causing him to exclaim, “I thought I was in South Africa. They let . . . Tshombe in. He’s the worst person on earth.”
This episode also caused him to reconsider his indictment of the NOI as his killers, as he noted in his autobiography:
But you know . . . the more I keep thinking about this thing, the things that have been happening lately, I’m not at all sure it’s the Muslims. I know what they can
do, and what they can’t, and they can’t do some of the stuff recently going on . . . the more I keep thinking about what happened to me in France, I think I’m going to quit saying it’s the Muslims, (pp. 430–431)
His home in East Elmhurst, Queens was firebombed in the early morning of February 14, and he was soon after evicted by a court order. The FBI clearly believes that he attempted to burn the house himself. He was killed one week later, on Sunday, February 21 at the Audubon Ballroom.
The extent of the FBI’s knowledge about Malcolm’s assassination is difficult to surmise from the correspondence provided in this edition of the file, but it seems that lower-level agents were taken by surprise. It also seems that from the moment of Malcolm’s death, the FBI suspected groups other than just the NOI. One informant told FBI agents that it looked like an inside job of the MMI. One source, with confirmation from another, indicated that investigators should “check out Washington and [the] CIA because they wanted Malcolm out of the way because he ‘snafued’ African relations for the U.S.”
The reports of the shooting and evidence continue into the next section, but enough reports from this section indicate that the FBI might have thought that Malcolm’s own people were responsible, due to the fact that Malcolm’s guards appeared negligent that afternoon, and, according to a witness, there was “a definite lack of security at this rally.” It is interesting to note that the FBI was aware that a pack of Camel cigarettes was found in a green suit coat with the sawed-off shotgun. Muslims are not supposed to smoke.
The FBI had to deal with the most prominent suspects, which at the time were Hayer and the NOI. Talmadge Hayer had been apprehended, and an OAAU member had turned in the .45 caliber pistol he had used in the shooting. This member would apparently figure heavily in the trial of Hayer in 1966. The FBI questioned this witness extensively along with witnesses who stated that MMI members would attempt to retaliate against the NOI and Elijah Muhammad.
FBI
TO
Malcolm X Page 29
