Born on December 1, 1640, in Bologna to an aristocratic family, Matthioli was the son of Valerian Matthioli and Girolama Maggi. A distinguished scholar in civil and canon law, he had become a professor at the University of Bologna but left to enter the service of Charles III, Duke of Mantua, the father of Charles IV, as a secretary of state. Upon the death of Charles III in August 1665, the young Charles IV retained Matthioli, creating him supernumerary senator of Mantua; this post had once been held by Matthioli’s grandfather, but its only real advantage was to confer upon the holder the title of count. At some point, Matthioli fell out of favor with the regent and her lover, upon which he resigned his office and retired to Verona with his wife and two children, although he maintained his links with the young Duke Charles.5
While d’Estrades recognized Matthioli’s good qualities, he nevertheless had his suspicions. As he explained, Matthioli “had been much in the Milanese, and had had a good deal of access to the Spanish ministers, I would not put any confidence in him, till I had first tried him.”6 For this task, d’Estrades employed the services of a man known for his pro-French views, Benedetto Giuliani, to observe Matthioli closely.
As someone whose job it was to gather and disseminate news throughout different parts of Italy, Giuliani could come and go without arousing suspicion. Once d’Estrades was satisfied that Matthioli was “much discontented with the Spaniards, who had always amused him with hopes, and afterward abandoned him,” he sent Giuliani to Verona on the pretext of engaging Matthioli in private business, but in fact to represent to him the dangerous state the Duke of Mantua was in: that it was a matter of great affliction to all who saw that the young duke was still under the thumb of his mother and her ambitious lover, that he had no money, and who passed his life “with actresses and women of the town.”
It was whispered abroad that the duke would have no children by his wife, and that his want of an heir encouraged the Spanish to foment the divisions in his court so that they could profit from them and try to obtain Casale and the whole of Montferrat for themselves. Others looked to take possession of parts of Mantua, while the king of Spain7 sought to establish himself as the rightful heir to the throne of Mantua. Giuliani had to persuade Matthioli that only by placing himself under Louis’s protection would Duke Charles find complete security.8
Giuliani’s words resonated with Matthioli, who “had long, with grief, seen the truth of it,” and who knew that the Duke of Mantua “had more talent and ambition than he was thought to have.” Matthioli promised that he would find out the duke’s feelings about the proposal, upon which “he would charge himself with whatever negotiation” d’Estrades wished to pursue.9
Matthioli, therefore, agreed to act as intermediary between d’Estrades and Duke Charles, and arrangements were made for a meeting in Venice. In this, the duke’s favorite city, the duke, the ambassador, and the intermediary “might see each other conveniently and without being observed, on account of the Carnival, during which, all the world, even the Doge, and the oldest senators, go about in mask.”10 Charles, however, was anxious that the negotiations should be held in the strictest secrecy and would be concluded as quickly as possible. He did not want to arouse the suspicions of the Spanish, he explained, fearing that they would ruin him before he could receive any assistance from Louis, who, in turn, would “lose all hope of getting possession of Casale.”11 D’Estrades reluctantly agreed to this condition.
D’Estrades wrote to Louis, giving an account of his dealing so far with the Duke of Mantua. He enclosed in his packet a list of the duke’s demands and a letter addressed to the king by Matthioli, who declared: “I bless the destiny, which procures me the honor of serving so great a monarch, whom I regard and revere as a demigod.”12 Louis was appreciative of Matthioli’s devotion to his interests and he did not hesitate to say so in a letter dated January 12, 1678: “You cannot doubt but that I am much obliged to you for it, and that I shall have much pleasure in giving you proofs of my satisfaction upon every occasion.”13
Louis was also very pleased about the terms of the agreement, although he felt that the negotiations were going too quickly, and he urged d’Estrades to prolong them in order to allow him time to make preparations to send troops to occupy Casale: “I am reduced to be sorry that I cannot find any difficulties,” wrote d’Estrades.14 There was, however, one area of contention, and it lay in the sum of money Louis was requested to pay to Duke Charles. The duke had asked for 100,000 pistoles, which Louis felt was too much. In the end, d’Estrades managed to persuade Charles to accept 100,000 crowns, which would be payable when both Louis and Duke Charles had signed the treaty.15
The conference between Duke Charles and d’Estrades took place amid the colors, sounds, and festivity of the Carnival of Venice at midnight of March 13, 1678. Charles wanted to send Matthioli, in whom he had “a blind confidence,” to France to acquaint Louis with the facilities he would find “in conquering the Milanese, the intelligences that may be established there, and the detail of the whole negotiation.”16 For his part, Louis was eager to “receive the Count Matthioli favorably, and to listen willingly to his propositions, as soon as he shall be arrived at the Court.”17
Matthioli, however, became ill with a fever, and his departure for France had to be delayed by several months. It was not until at the end of November 1678 that he finally arrived in Paris, following a lengthy journey by way of Switzerland. Shortly afterward a treaty was agreed, under the terms of which the Duke of Mantua would undertake to receive French troops in Casale; should Louis send an army into Italy, Duke Charles would be in command of it; immediately upon the execution of the treaty, the Duke of Mantua would receive a cash payment of 300,000 livres, to be paid in two installments.18 Matthioli was then received by Louis in a private audience, which was held in Mme de Montespan’s apartments. The king gave him a ring, the diamond of which was valued at some 2,000 écus in louis d’or, and a sum of money as a personal gift, with the promise a much larger gratification once the treaty had been ratified. He promised that Matthioli’s son would come to court as a royal page, while Matthioli’s brother, a clergyman, would receive a good benefice.19 With his mission concluded, Matthioli returned to Italy with detailed instructions for the application of the articles of the treaty.
On the French side, preparations for the occupation of Casale and the installation of troops were already well in train. Nicolas de Catinat, brigadier of the infantry and future maréchal of France, was appointed to command the new garrison when it was established. His men were already assembling at Briançon while they waited for the treaty to be finalized. Catinat, meanwhile, moved into the donjon of Pignerol so he could be close at hand for the takeover of Casale. In order not to arouse suspicion should Spain or Austria learn of his presence, he masqueraded as a prisoner under an assumed name, Richemont. The pretense was carried to the extent that he was allowed to walk incognito in the donjon precincts with the other prisoners; that is, with Foucquet, Lauzun, and their respective valets. He was also permitted to visit them in their chambers and “to converse with them, which will assist in enabling him to pass the time of his stay.”20
At the same time, Alexis Bidal, Baron d’Asfeld, a colonel of the dragoons, had traveled to Venice to oversee the ratification of the treaty. These maneuvers, as well as the movement of French troops, although supposedly secret, did not escape the notice of either Emperor Leopold or Carlos II of Spain, who remonstrated with Duke Charles of Mantua. He calmly dismissed their fears. With Louis now impatient to conclude the treaty, the Duke of Mantua drew up a plan in which Matthioli would meet d’Asfeld at the Church of Notre-Dame-d’Incréa, in a village close to Casale. This would take place on March 9, when the treaty would be finalized. The duke would go to Casale the following week and formally hand over the town and its fortress to Louis’s troops.
With these arrangements in place and everyone ready to go, Matthioli fell strangely silent. A letter written to him on February 21, 1679, by Louis’s sec
retary of state for foreign affairs, Arnaud de Pomponne, provided the first intimation that the French authorities had become suspicious of Matthioli. In it, Pomponne assured the diplomat that Louis “is willing to promise himself a good success in it [French possession of Casale], and will not entertain any doubt of the promise which has been so solemnly given to him being kept.”21 The letter received no response, and a second one, written two weeks later, also went without reply.
The French now became very concerned, but the answer to the mystery was about to reveal itself in the most surprising way. D’Estrades, who has been transferred from Venice to Turin to await the conclusion of the treaty, was approached by Jeanne-Baptiste, princesse de Nemours, duchesse de Savoie. At the end of December, three weeks after his reception by Louis XIV, Matthioli had gone to the duchess and confided to her all that had taken place with regard to the transfer of Casale to the French. He had shown her all the original documents, including a letter from the Duke of Mantua to Louis XIV, the full powers Matthioli had been granted for the purpose of negotiating the treaty, the treaty itself, the ratification signed by Duke Charles, and a letter from the duke to the governor of Casale ordering him to receive French troops in accordance with the terms of the treaty.22
These revelations had plunged the duchess into a dilemma. She was pleased to have been made privy to the negotiations but was undecided as to what to do with the information, particularly as Louis’s occupation of Casale posed a threat to Piedmont. In spite of this, she was reluctant to launch armed resistance against Louis; for one thing, she lacked sufficient forces to meet his superior power, but she was also afraid of rousing him to anger. Yet, she had to act: there was every chance that Matthioli would offer his information to Spain or Austria, an equally undesirable prospect.23 After weighing her options for several weeks, the duchess finally decided that her best and safest strategy was to inform Louis that Matthioli had betrayed him, and she did so through his ambassador, d’Estrades.24 The news not unnaturally came as a shock to Louis. He had trusted Matthioli, welcomed him to Versailles, and generously rewarded him. At this stage, however, he thought he could salvage the situation and mitigate the damage by applying pressure on the duke of Mantua and threatening Matthioli.
Then, on March 9, as d’Asfeld was making his way to Incréa to meet Matthioli, he was arrested on the orders of the Count of Melgar and held for a short time as a prisoner of Spain.25 The French were informed of the incident by Matthioli himself, who claimed to have received the news from a valet he had met on the road. Pinchesne, who was acting as the French chargé d’affaires in the absence of an ambassador, expressed his doubts when he reported news of the incident to Pomponne, saying that it had been impossible for him to verify it.26 Even so, d’Asfeld’s mission had to be accomplished, so Catinat was dispatched to Incréa, where he was to meet up with Matthioli. He set off under cover of darkness with Saint-Mars, who was disguised as an officer of the Pignerol garrison, and a man belonging to d’Estrades’s entourage.
Catinat and his companions arrived at Incréa, but Matthioli failed to meet them. They soon learned that their presence had been discovered, that the local peasantry were up in arms, and that a detachment of cavalry were on their way to take them. Saint-Mars and the other companion escaped, as did Catinat, who arrived in disguise at Casale. With the governor of Casale in sympathy with the French, Catinat passed an agreeable evening, but he was glad to return to the safety of Pignerol the next day.27
As it turned out, Matthioli had returned to Venice, where he had several interviews with Pinchesne; already suspicious, the chargé d’affaires now discovered to his alarm that Matthioli had spent some days in Milan. Uncertain as to how to proceed, he suggested that Matthioli should go to Turin to speak with d’Estrades, while warning him of the danger he would be in should the transfer of Casale fail as a result of his activity.28 Matthioli duly traveled to Turin, where he spoke to d’Estrades as instructed. “It is impossible to conceive the insolence of his daring to show himself,” wrote Pomponne when he received the news update from Pinchesne, “at a moment when all Italy rings with his perfidy.”29
In the meantime, Louis had decided that enough was enough. It was time to make an example of Matthioli and show the world what became of those who dared to betray the confidence of the king of France. He instructed the marquis de Louvois to write to Saint-Mars and, in a letter dated April 27, 1679, to alert him to the imminent arrival of a new prisoner:
The King has sent orders to the Abbé d’Estrades, to try and arrest a man, with whose conduct His Majesty has reason to be dissatisfied; of which he has commanded me to acquaint you, in order that you may not object to receiving him, when he shall be sent to you, and that you may guard him in a manner that not only may he not have communication with anyone, but that also he may have cause to repent of his bad conduct; and that it may not be discovered that you have a new prisoner.30
Those ominous words: “he may have cause to repent of his bad conduct” and the secrecy surrounding his imprisonment did not bode well for Matthioli.31
The following day, April 28, 1679, Louis wrote to the abbé d’Estrades ordering him to arrest Matthioli and take him to Pignerol in secret. Louis was insistent that d’Estrades must ensure that no one would find out what became of the man who had betrayed him.32
As it happened, Matthioli had crossed into territory belonging to the duchesse de Savoie, and although she agreed that he ought to be arrested, she did not want it to take place on her land. A solution to this difficult situation presented itself when Matthioli, always short of funds, requested cash in compensation for the expenses he had incurred during the negotiations for the treaty. D’Estrades, still anxious to capture Matthioli in order to remain in the king’s favor, told him that a man named Richemont, who commanded the troops that were to garrison Casale, could provide him with the required funds. All Matthioli had to do was meet Richemont on the frontier toward Pignerol, a meeting at which d’Estrades would also be present, and the money would be handed over to him.33 The proposition naturally appealed to the unsuspecting Matthioli. He met up with d’Estrades, who was accompanied by one of his relatives, the abbé de Montesquieu, in a church near Turin. The three men climbed into a carriage and embarked upon their journey to the frontier.
The small party was within three miles of the rendezvous point when they found their road flooded. A river had burst its banks in the recent spring rainfall and partially brought down a bridge. Matthioli assisted in the repairs, and the three continued on foot until they came upon Catinat, who was accompanied by the chevaliers Saint-Martin and de Villebois of Saint-Mars’s compagnie-franche, and four soldiers from the Pignerol garrison. D’Estrades, in the presence of Catinat, asked Matthioli to confirm that he had possession of all the original documents concerning the transfer of Casale. When he replied that he had, Matthioli was arrested and taken to Pignerol. “He is in the chamber which the individual named Dubreuil occupied,” Catinat wrote, “where he will be treated civilly, according to the request of the abbé d’Estrades, until the wishes of the King, with regard to him, are known.”34 Catinat ended his letter by announcing that he had given Matthioli “the name of Lestang, no one here knowing who he really is.”35
D’Estrades thought it a matter of urgency to obtain the original documents pertaining to the negotiations and the treaty concerning the transfer of Casale to France. At first, Matthioli had said that they were kept in a box at Bologna, in the hands of his wife, who had retreated to the convent of the Nuns of Saint-Louis. Catinat explained that he had not yet had a chance to question Matthioli about these documents, but “two hours hence I will go to his room, and do not doubt the menaces I shall make to him, which his criminal conduct will render more terrific to him, will oblige him to do all that I wish.” Meanwhile, Blainvilliers, Saint-Mars’s lieutenant, was sent to Bologna to retrieve the papers.36
As it turned out, Blainvilliers had been sent on a false errand; he returned with some papers, certa
inly, but they were not the vital ones connected to the negotiations. Under questioning by Catinat, Matthioli divulged that the documents were in fact at Padua, “concealed in a hole in the wall of a room, which is in his father’s lodging, and which he says is known to him alone.”37 Meanwhile, the abbé d’Estrades had tracked down Matthioli’s valet and brought him to Pignerol along with Matthioli’s clothes and “all his papers.”38 Catinat inventoried these documents and found ciphers and the odd letter, but nothing of any substance. The servant, a man named Rousseau or La Rousseau, or Russo in Italian, was retained at Pignerol, where he would continue to serve his master.
Matthioli was ordered to write three letters to his father. In the first, he required his father to hand over the documents he had in his keeping to Giuliani, who was on his way to see him. In the second, he was forced to acquaint his father with “the real state in which he is, and that it is important, as well for his life as his honor, that his papers should be immediately delivered into the hands of the Sieur Giuliani.” The third letter was to be used in case the first two failed. In it, Matthioli instructed his father to meet him at the house of the abbé d’Estrades. During the ensuing interview, Matthioli would be required to persuade his father to hand over the documents. “I have inspired him with so great a fear of the punishment due to his bad conduct,” writes Catinat, “that I find no repugnance in him to do all that I require of him.”39
At first, Matthioli was treated “very kindly in all that regards cleanliness and food,” but as with all the prisoners of Pignerol, vigorous efforts were made to prevent him having communication with anyone.40 This situation was not to last for very long; within a few weeks Saint-Mars was ordered to treat the new prisoner with severity: “It is not the intention of the King that the Sieur de lestang [Matthioli] should be well-treated, nor that, except the absolute necessities of life, you should give him anything that may make his time pass agreeably.”41 This terrible order appears to have been questioned by Saint-Mars, who asked for clarification. Louvois wrote to say that “I have nothing to add to what I have already commanded you respecting the severity with which the individual named Lestang must be treated.”42 Two days later, Louvois provided further details. Saint-Mars was to “keep the individual named Lestang in the severe confinement I enjoined in my preceding letters, without allowing him to see a physician, unless you know he is in absolute want of one.”43
The Man in the Iron Mask Page 10
