Sophie Scholl and the White Rose

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Sophie Scholl and the White Rose Page 23

by Annette Dumbach


  Goethe speaks of the Germans as a tragic people, like the Jews and the Greeks, but today they seem to be rather a spineless, weak-willed herd of hangers-on, who now—the marrow sucked out of their bones, robbed of their center of stability—are waiting to be hounded to their destruction. So it seems—but it is not so. Rather, by means of gradual, treacherous, systematic abuse, the system has put every man into a spiritual prison. Only now, finding himself lying in fetters, has he become aware of his fate. Only a few recognized the threat of ruin, and the reward for their heroic warning was death. We will have more to say about the fate of these people.

  If everyone waits for someone else to make a start, the messengers of avenging Nemesis will come steadily closer, until even the last victim has been cast senselessly into the maw of the insatiable demon. Therefore every individual has to consciously accept his responsibility as a member of Western and Christian civilization in this last hour; to arm himself as best he can to work against the scourges of humanity, against fascism and every other form of the absolute state. Adopt passive resistance—resistance—wherever you are, and block the functioning of this atheistic war machine before it is too late, before the last city is a heap of rubble, like Cologne, and before the last youth of our nation bleeds to death on some battlefield because of the hubris of a sub-human. Don’t forget that every people gets the government it deserves!

  From Friedrich Schiller’s “The Lawgiving of Lycurgus and Solon”:

  Viewed in relation to its purposes, of Lycurgus’ code of law is a masterpiece of political science and knowledge of human nature. He desired a powerful, unassailable state, firmly based on self-created principles. Political effectiveness and permanence were the goals toward which he strove, and he attained these goals to the fullest extent possible under the circumstances. But if one compares the purpose Lycurgus had in mind with the purposes of mankind, then a deep abhorrence takes the place of the approbation we felt at first glance. Anything may be sacrificed for the good of the state except that end for which the State serves as a means. The state is never an end in itself; it is important only as a condition under which the purpose of mankind can be attained, and this purpose is none other than the development of all the abilities that man possesses. If a state prevents the development of the capacities which reside in man, if it hinders the progress of the spirit, then it is reprehensible and corrosive, no matter how excellently devised, how perfect in its own way. Its very permanence in that case amounts more to a reproach than to a basis for fame; it becomes a prolonged evil, and the longer it exists, the more corrosive it is. . . .

  At the price of all moral feeling a political system was set up, and the resources of the state were mobilized to that end. In Sparta there was no conjugal love, no mother love, no filial devotion, no friendship; all men were merely citizens, and all virtue was civic virtue.

  A law of the state made it the duty of Spartans to be inhumane to their slaves; in these unhappy victims of war humanity itself was insulted and mistreated. In the Spartan code of law the dangerous principle was promulgated that men are to be looked upon as means and not as ends—and the foundations of natural law and of morality were destroyed by that law. . . .

  What an admirable sight it is, in contrast, to see the rough soldier Gaius Marcius in his camp before Rome, when he renounced vengeance and victory because he could not endure the sight of a mother’s tears! . . .

  The state [of Lycurgus] could endure only under the one condition: that the spirit of the people remained quiescent. Hence it could be maintained only if it failed to achieve the highest, the sole purpose of a state.

  From Goethe’s The Awakening of Epimenides, Act II, Scene 4.

  Spirits:

  Though he who has boldly risen from the abyss

  Through an iron will and cunning

  May conquer half the world,

  Yet to the abyss he must return.

  Already a terrible fear has seized him;

  In vain he will resist!

  And all who still stand with him

  Must perish in his fall.

  Hope:

  Now I find my good men

  Are gathered in the night,

  To wait in silence, not to sleep.

  And the glorious word of liberty

  They whisper and murmur,

  Till in unaccustomed strangeness,

  On the steps of our temple

  Once again in delight they cry:

  Freedom! Freedom!

  Please make as many copies of this leaflet as possible and pass them on!

  * Four leaflets were produced by the White Rose Society under the heading, “Leaflets of the White Rose.” The first two were written by Hans Scholl and Alexander Schmorell in or around June 1942, and two more swiftly followed, on which Christoph Probst offered advice and Jürgen Wittenstein provided editorial assistance. Work began on the second series of leaflets, called “Leaflets of the Resistance,” in November 1942. Willi Graf and Kurt Huber helped write the fifth leaflet, which appeared in January 1943. Kurt Huber wrote the sixth, and final, leaflet, which Hans and Sophie Scholl distributed in Munich University on February 18th, where they were apprehended by the Gestapo. A hastily destroyed rough draft of a seventh leaflet written by Christoph Probst was found in Hans’ pocket on his arrest.

  The Second Leaflet

  It is impossible to engage in an intellectual discourse on National Socialism because it cannot be defended on rational grounds. It is wrong to speak of a National Socialist philosophy, for if there were such an entity, one would have to try by means of analysis and discussion either to prove its validity or to disprove it. In actuality, however, we face a totally different situation. At its very inception this movement depended on the deception and betrayal of one’s fellow man; even then it was inwardly corrupt and could only support itself by constant lies. After all, Hitler states in an early edition of “his” book (a book written in the worst German I have ever read, in spite of the fact that it has been elevated to the position of the Bible in this nation of poets and thinkers): “It is unbelievable to what extent one must betray a people in order to rule it.” If at the start this cancerous growth in the nation was not particularly noticeable, it was only because there were still enough forces at work that operated for the good, so that it was kept in check. It grew larger, however, and then, in a final spurt of growth, the tumor burst, as it were, and infected the whole body. Most of its former opponents went into hiding. The German intellectuals fled to their cellars, and, like plants struggling in the dark, away from light and sun, are gradually choking to death. Now the end is at hand. Now it is our task to find one another again, to spread information from person to person, to keep a steady purpose, and to allow ourselves no rest until the last man is persuaded of the urgent need of his support in the struggle against this system. When thus a wave of unrest sweeps through the land, when “it is in the air,” when many join the cause, then in a great final effort this system can be shaken off. After all, an end in terror is preferable to terror without end.

  We are not in a position to make a final judgment about the significance of these historical events. But if this catastrophe can be used to further the public good, it will only be by virtue of the fact that we are cleansed by suffering; that in the midst of deepest night we yearn for the light, summon up our strength, and finally rise up to shake off the yoke which weighs on our world.

  We do not intend to discuss the question of the Jews, nor do we wish to offer a defense or apology here. No, instead to demonstrate this we want to cite the fact that since the conquest of Poland three hundred thousand Jews have been murdered in that country in a bestial manner. Here we see the most terrible crime committed against the dignity of man, a crime that has no counterpart in human history. For Jews, too, are human beings—no matter what position we take with respect to the Jewish question—and a crime of this dimension has been perpetrated against human beings. Some may say that the Jews deserved their fate. T
his assertion would be a monstrous form of insolence; but let us assume that someone said this—what position has he then taken toward the fact that the entire Polish aristocratic youth is being annihilated? (May God grant that this program has not fully achieved its aim as yet!) All male offspring of the houses of the nobility between the ages of fifteen and twenty were transported to concentration camps in Germany and sentenced to forced labor, and all the girls of this age group have been sent to Norway, into the brothels of the SS!

  Why tell you these things, since you are fully aware of them—or if not of these, then of other equally grave crimes committed by this frightful sub-humanity? Because this touches on a problem that involves us deeply and forces us all to reflect. Why are the German people so apathetic in the face of all these abominable crimes, crimes so unworthy of the human race? Hardly anyone thinks about that. It is accepted as fact and put out of mind. The German people slumber on in their dull, stupid sleep and thereby encourage these fascist criminals; they give them the opportunity to carry on their depredations; and of course they do so. Is this a sign that the German people have become brutalized in their most basic human feelings, that the sight of such deeds does not strike a chord within them, that they have sunk into a terminal sleep from which there is no awakening, ever, ever again? It seems that way, and will certainly be so, if the German does not arouse himself from this lethargy at last, if he does not protest whenever he can against this gang of criminals, if he doesn’t feel compassion for the hundreds of thousands of victims—not only compassion, no, much more: guilt. For his apathy allows these evil men to act as they do; he tolerates this “government” that has taken upon itself such an enormous burden of guilt; indeed, he himself is to blame for the fact that it came about at all! Everyone shrugs off this guilt, falling asleep with his conscience at peace. But he cannot shrug it off; everyone is guilty, guilty, guilty! It is not too late, however, to do away with this most reprehen-sible of all miscarriages of government, to avoid being burdened with even greater guilt. Now, our eyes have recently been opened, we know exactly who our adversary is, and it is high time to root out this brown horde. Up until the outbreak of the war, the larger part of the German people was blindfolded; the Nazis did not show themselves in their true aspect. But now, now that we have recognized them for what they are, it must be the sole and first duty, the holiest duty of every German, to destroy these beasts.

  If the people are barely aware that the government exists, they are happy. When the government is felt to be oppressive, they are broken.

  Good fortune, alas! builds itself upon misery. Good fortune, alas! is the mask of misery. What will come of this? We cannot foresee the end. Order is upset and turns to disorder, good becomes evil. The people are confused. Is it not so, day in, day out, from the beginning?

  The wise man is therefore angular, though he does not injure others; he has sharp corners, though he does not harm; he is upright but not gruff. He is clear-minded, but he does not try to be brilliant.

  Lao-tzu

  Whoever undertakes to rule the kingdom and to shape it according to his whim—I foresee that he will fail to reach his goal. That is all.

  The kingdom is a living being. It cannot be constructed, in truth! He who tries to manipulate it will spoil it; he who tries to put it under his power will lose it.

  From their very nature some creatures lead from the front, others follow; some have warm breath, others cold; some are strong, some weak; some survive, others succumb.

  The wise man therefore forswears excess; he avoids arrogance and does not overreach himself.

  Lao-tzu

  Please make as many copies of this leaflet as possible and pass them on.

  The Third Leaflet

  Salus publica suprema lex*

  All ideal forms of government are Utopias. A state cannot be constructed on a purely theoretical basis; instead, it must grow and develop in the same way an individual human being matures. But we must not forget that at the beginning of every civilization the state already existed in rudimentary form. The family is as old as man himself, and out of this initial bond man, endowed with reason, created for himself a state founded on justice, whose highest law was the common good. The state should reflect the divine order, and the highest of all utopias, the civitas dei, is the model it should ultimately resemble. We will not compare the many possible forms of the state—here democracy, constitutional monarchy, monarchy, and so on, but one issue needs to be made clear and unambiguous: every human being has the right to a just state, a state that safeguards the freedom of the individual as well as the good of the whole. For, according to God’s will, man should be free and independent, while fulfilling his natural duty of living and working together with his fellow citizens, and strive to achieve earthly happiness through self-reliance and self-motivation.

  But our present “state” is the dictatorship of evil. “Oh, we’ve known that for a long time,” I hear you object, “and it isn’t necessary to bring that to our attention again.” But, I ask you, if you know that, why do you not rouse yourselves, why do you allow these men in power to rob you step by step, both openly and in secret, of one of your rights after another, until one day nothing, nothing at all will be left but a mechanized state system presided over by criminals and drunkards? Is your spirit already so crushed by abuse that you forget it is your right—or rather, your moral duty—to eradicate this system? But if a man can no longer summon the strength to demand his right, then he will definitely perish. We would deservedly be scattered over the earth like dust in the wind if we do not marshal our powers at this late hour and finally find the courage we have lacked up to now. Do not hide your cowardice behind a cloak of expediency, for with every new day that you hesitate, failing to oppose this offspring of Hell, your guilt, like a parabolic curve, grows higher and higher.

  Many, perhaps most, of the readers of these leaflets cannot see clearly how they can mount an effective opposition. They cannot see any avenues open to them. We want to try to show them that everyone is in a position to contribute to the overthrow of this system. Solitary withdrawal, like embittered hermits, cannot prepare the ground for the overthrow of this “government” or bring about the revolution at the earliest possible moment. No, it can only be done through the cooperation of many convinced, energetic people—people who agree on the means they must use to attain their goal. We have few choices as to these means. The only one available is passive resistance. The meaning and the goal of passive resistance is to bring down National Socialism, and in this struggle we can’t shrink from any means, any act, whatever its nature. At every point we must oppose National Socialism, wherever it is open to attack. We must bring this monster of a state to an end soon. A victory for fascist Germany in this war would have inconceivable and terrible consequences. The first concern of every German is not the military victory over Bolshevism, but the defeat of National Socialism. This must be the first order of business; its greater imperative will be discussed in one of our forthcoming leaflets.

  And now every resolute opponent of National Socialism must ask himself how he can fight against most effectively the present “state”, how he can inflict the most damaging blows. Through passive resistance, without a doubt. We cannot provide each man with a blueprint for his acts; we can only make general suggestions, and he alone will find the best way to achieve them:

  Sabotage armament industries, sabotage every assembly, rally, ceremony, and organization sponsored by the National Socialist Party. Obstruct the smooth functioning of the war machine (a machine designed for war that is then used solely to shore up and perpetuate the National Socialist Party and its dictatorship). Sabotage in every scientific and intellectual field involved in continuing this war—whether it be universities, technical colleges, laboratories, research stations, or technical agencies. Sabotage all cultural institutions that could enhance the “prestige” of the fascists among the people. Sabotage all branches of the arts that have even the slightest depende
nce on National Socialism or serve it in any way. Sabotage all publications, all newspapers, that are in the pay of the “government” and that defend its ideology and help disseminate the brown lie. Do not give a penny to public fund-raising drives (even when they are conducted under the guise of charity), for this is only a cover. In reality the proceeds help neither the Red Cross nor the needy. The government does not need this money; it is not financially interested in these fund-raising drives. After all, the presses run non-stop, printing as much paper currency as is needed. But the people must be kept constantly under tension, the pressure on the bit must never be allowed to slacken! Do not contribute to the collections of metal, textiles, and the like. Try to convince all your acquaintances, including those in the lower social classes, of the senselessness of continuing, of the hopelessness of this war; of our spiritual and economic enslavement at the hands of the National Socialists; of the destruction of all moral and religious values; and urge them to adopt passive resistance!

  Aristotle, Politics: “Further, . . .[a tyrant] should also endeavor to know what each of his subjects says or does, and should employ spies everywhere . . . and further, to create disunity and division in the population: to set friend against friend, the common people against the notables, and the wealthy among themselves. Also he should impoverish his subjects; the maintenance of guards and soldiers is thus paid for by the people, who are forced to work hard and have neither the time nor the opportunity to conspire against him . . . Another practice of tyrants is to increase taxes, after the manner of Dionysius at Syracuse, who contrived that his subjects paid all their wealth into the treasury within five years. The tyrant is also inclined to engage in constant warfare in order to occupy and distract his subjects.”

 

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