Sumerian influence evident in script, religious rites and beliefs, and military organization of the conquerors was also apparent in law. Expansion of trade in a united Babylonia was followed by an elaborate system of administration and complications of social life which required higher and lower courts and assured a decline in the authority of priests. Temples continued as extensive organizations and centres of justice, but the palaces as large undertakings favoured the growth of private business. Hammurabi claimed to have received the laws from the god of justice and subordinated ecclesiastical to civil courts. The king was the servant and not the source of law. Law guided the ruler and protected the subject. Law was regarded as a divine decree, the oracular decision of a deity, and was adapted to old laws in a system of legislation rather than a code. Under centralized power the administration of justice was reorganized. The rights and prerogatives established by priests in earlier codes of law were arranged in patrician order. Civil laws and customs of conquered cities were arranged in a system and were entirely freed from religious formulae. Adoption had been prevalent among the Sumerians possibly as a result of the practice of temple prostitution where the fathers were unknown, but paralleling religious prostitution Sumerian laws carefully regulated domestic life and tended to uphold the rights of individuals. Hammurabi apparently attempted to stamp out religious influence and introduced much more severe penalties against violations of the sacredness of the family tie. Marriage rested essentially on a written document. The family was a unit endowed with rigid cohesion by rules laid down to govern succession and division of goods. Family solidarity was assumed in a complete indefeasible right over the family estate. Rights were devolved to individuals as they formed new family units, but rights amounting to a strict entail were retained.
In checking the vices of corruption and indolence, Hammurabi centralized and perfected the system of administration, organized the direction of affairs, and supervised even minute details. Babylonia became a political reality, a unified nation with a common capital, a common code of written law, a common calendar, and a permanent system of government. The city-state was absorbed in the territorial state. For the marking and distinction of months ideograms were borrowed from the Sumerian calendar and a fixed series of months was arranged by a selection of 354 days in a lunar year. The priests concerned with extensive administration of landed property owned by the temples had adapted religious ceremonies, festival seasons, and time reckoning to practical occupations. In an agricultural society religion was faced with the problem of predicting important dates to determine the seasonal round of activities. The Semites apparently introduced worship of the moon as a deity suited to a hot climate and providing a fixed measure of time in continuous time reckoning. Astronomy was studied in order to determine seasons and festival dates and results of observations were recorded in writing. Man was able to arrest time. Under the Semites the calendar was determined by a central authority and one calculation for the whole empire enabled the king to decide when it became necessary to add a month to the current year. The duodecimal system of the zodiac was developed and hours of daylight were divided into twelve as were the hours of night.
Mathematics and time reckoning facilitated the development of meteorology and the establishment of the sexagesimal system, ‘the invention of which is to their eternal glory’[56], which spread far beyond Mesopotamia and dominates the currency of Great Britain to the present day. Its superiority over the decimal system followed its ease in the handling of fractions. The royal or king's weight was adopted by royal proclamation throughout the empire. Fixed standards of weights and measures for grain and metal over large areas facilitated trade. The development of mathematics followed the demands of expanding trade in a large centre of a unified empire. Mathematics was studied in relation to accounts, field plans, and calendars. Mathematical texts were used as supplements to oral instruction and were in the form of concrete examples. Apprentices followed their masters in handling problems of architecture, engineering, and business, notably the calculation of interest. Multiplication tables were apparently used before 2000 B.C., but reckoning was chiefly by addition and subtraction. Fractional quantities were mastered and figures were given a definite value according to position in a number, but the zero sign was not used consistently. Measurement assumed abstract thinking and led eventually to problems of Euclidian space, but mathematical symbolism was not highly developed and geometry was chiefly significant in decorative art.
The development of writing, mathematics, the standardization of weights and measures, and adjustments of the calendar were a part of an urban revolution. Rules for writing and systems of notation were involved in business transactions and the administration of revenues. Writing has been regarded as the ‘unforeseen outgrowth of a social order which was founded on a recognition of personal rights’,[57] and scientific advance as dependent on ‘a concept of society whereby the powers of the state are restricted and the rights of the individual receive a corresponding emphasis’ (E. A. Speiser).[58]
The accumulated wealth of an empire which followed an urban revolution attracted the attention of invaders with more efficient means of warfare. Success in the art of horsemanship, the care and breeding of horses, and ability to use chariots in mountainous regions enabled Aryan groups to dominate the empire. The Hittites attacked Babylon probably between 1950 B.C. and 1926 B.C., and though repulsed probably brought the first dynasty to an end. They were followed by the Kassites. Gandash probably proclaimed himself king of Babylon about 1746 B.C. and established a dynasty which persisted to the end of the thirteenth century. It is probable that the Semites were checked in expansion to the north and compelled to turn toward Egypt under the Hyksos or Shepherd kings. In turn the Hittites,[59] including probably the Mitanni, the Vanni,[60] and the Kassites, overran regions to the north in Cappadocia to which traders had introduced cuneiform writing by about 2000 B.C. The latter was apparently overwhelmed by the Hittite hieroglyphic system but used for governmental purposes in the capital at Boghaz-keui and elsewhere, it restricted the development of Hittite pictographic writing.
Without a consistently efficient system of writing and the stabilizing conservative influence of religion, the Hittite empire was exposed to difficulties from within and without. The priest king represented the sun and the priestess the mother goddess. A territorial deity was queen but religion was not supported by traditions of learning and by an abundance of writing material such as clay. The Mitanni were attacked by the Egyptians under Amenhotep II (1470-1420 B.C.) and came under their influence through an alliance strengthened by the marriage of Thotmes II to a daughter of the king lasting from 1440 to 1380 B.C. About 1380 B.C. Subbiluluima, king of the Hittites, succeeded in dominating the Mitanni and created a highly organized imperial and central administration whose officials took the oath of allegiance and met the demands of increasing complexity in state and imperial affairs. A strong imperial capital, a system of radiating communications, and the use of iron gave the Hittites important advantages in the consolidation of power. Egyptian provinces in Syria became exposed to Hittite intrigue, but about 1280 B.C. Hattusil, king of the Hittites, concluded a treaty with Rameses II, conceding to him Syria and all of western Asia from the Euphrates to the sea. Shortly after this date Shalmaneser I of the Assyrians defeated the Mitanni and the Cappadocian empire of the Hittites collapsed about 1200 B.C. About 1150 B.C. the Hittites attacked Babylon but were defeated by Nebuchadnezzar I of the dynasty which followed the Kassites, about 1180 B.C. Expansion of the sea-rovers (Achaeans) in the fourteenth century was followed by maritime invasion of the countries of the eastern Mediterranean and about 1184 the Greeks probably defeated allies of the Hittites at Troy.[61] Resistance of the Hittite power to encroachment from the south and east fostered the growth of Ionian states and its contraction gave an opportunity for fresh expansion.
In spite of the success of Tiglath-Pileser (1090-1060 B.C.) in breaking up the Hittite federation and in laying the foun
dations of an efficient imperial organization, contraction of Assyrian power as a result of encroachments from Arameans who were pushed into Assyrian territory to the left bank of the Euphrates from the fourteenth to the twelfth centuries enabled the Hittites to establish Carchemish as a bridgehead on the Euphrates about 1050 B.C. After the first phase of Assyrian expansion the Arameans probably absorbed Hittite culture and established the supremacy of their customs and language. Driven into north Syria they probably introduced Mitanni-Hittite art, including the practice of engraving Semitic script in relief, to Zenjuli. A simplified script, developed at Carchemish to meet the demands of trade in the tenth century, spread to Asia Minor in the ninth century. These importations probably strengthened the tendencies in the period of comparative peace and expansion of trade in north Syria in the twelfth and eleventh centuries in which the relieved pictographic characters of the Hittites were reduced to a purely linear system. In contrast with Cappadocia, where pictographic writing was checked in its development by cuneiform, Hittite characters followed an independent line of development. Both relieved and incised Hittite characters were used simultaneously in engraving and the more elaborate script preserved for expensive monuments. In central Syria Egyptian influence was more important and by about 900 B.C. Hittite script was not far from the Phoenician in that it was partly in alphabetic form. With the script of the Vannic people that of the Hittites disappeared in competition with the Phoenician alphabet. As a result of the scarcity of suitable clay in northern regions and the development of a linear script with curved strokes on papyrus or parchment, an alphabet of twenty-two linear signs appeared in north Syria[62] in about the tenth century.
The Assyrians made the most persistent attempts to build up an imperial organization. Administration was emphasized as a basis of imperialism. Provinces were in existence by 1500 B.C., but under Shalmaneser III provincial government was elaborated and governors were appointed to collect tribute. Subject kings were replaced by Assyrian officials and the policy of earlier empires in which personal union was achieved by allowing the king to rule in each state by a separate title was abandoned. The Assyrians lacked an interest in trade and captured commercial cities, never as rivals, but for booty, taxes, and strategic reasons. In the second wave of expansion military success was dependent on more extensive use of iron, as it had been developed by the Hittites, on the employment of more efficient breeds of horses, and on the evolution of an efficient military organization. Coarse thick-set horses of Upper Asia and Europe which appeared in Babylonia about 2000 B.C. were crossed with light Libyan horses which were being exported by the Egyptians to western Asia in the tenth century. By 1000 B.C. King Solomon and the kings of the Hittites and Assyrians were acquainted with African horses. The crossing of Libyan horses of great speed with Asiatic horses of great strength produced an animal which enabled horse-driving peoples to become horse-riding peoples. The charioteers remained an élite corps among the Assyrians, but Ashur-nasir-pal II (885-860 B.C.) used large numbers of cavalry obtained chiefly from allies to supplement chariots, as well as a strong core of native Assyrian infantry. Battering-rams and tanks became effective means of attack against southern cities built largely of brick.
Success was evident in the capture of Carchemish in 877 B.C. Its importance was reduced in 740 B.C., and it became part of an Assyrian province in 717 B.C. In 729 B.C. Tiglath-Pileser III became king of Babylon. Dynastic difficulties emerged and after Shalmaneser V (728-722 B.C.) Sargon, an Assyrian general, seized the crown. He replaced a low by a high chariot capable of carrying three instead of two men and used cavalry more extensively. A standing army with bowmen as an important element in the infantry was created. The army was brought to its greatest efficiency.
Spectacular military success probably accentuated difficulties of control over conquered peoples, particularly through religion. In Babylon the temple and the palace were separate, whereas the Assyrians combined them and the kings were their own chief priests. The god-king was the centre of power. The temples never attained an independent position and power of the priesthood was restricted. Religious imperialism centred around Ashur, a solar god, though Ishtar, his consort, had her own cult and temples. After the capture of Babylonia Ashur displaced Marduk and Enlil and occupied the first place in the pantheon. Ashur became the father of the gods and Shamash appeared to represent the sun. Nabu, the Babylonian god of knowledge became more important and probably reflected the influence of the powerful guild of professional scribes of which he was the patron deity. ‘The cuneiform script, the beginning of kingship’[63] became the means of advancing to high positions of Babylon in 709 B.C. Later difficulties led to the destruction of Babylon by Sennacherib in 689 B.C., but again priestly influence secured its reconstruction by his son Esarhaddon.
Babylonian religious ceremonies played an important role in reducing the despotism of the king. The monotheistic and cosmopolitan religion of the Assyrians gradually gave way to the flood of Babylonian deities. Attempts to offset the influence of Babylon paradoxically increased its power. Sargon built a palace at Dur-Sharukin and started a library which was continued by his son who added volumes of ancient dialects of Sumerian and built a new palace at Nineveh. Instructions were given to search for documents and to make copies for its collection. Copying of Babylonian literature by Assyrian scribes enhanced the position of Nineveh as a religious and political centre but increased Babylonian influence. The Sumerian classics were translated and studied. Babylonian practices[64] in hepatology or the divining of the future by studying the liver of sacrificial sheep were continued. The temple tower was brought from the south and passed on to the west as the church steeple. A renaissance of art and literature followed the conquest of Egypt and transmission of the wisdom of Babylonia in copies, compilations, and revisions from the originals to the royal library and archives under Ashur-bani-pal (668-626 B.C.). The language of the Assyrians varied in details from that of the Akkadians and the cuneiform signs of Hammurabi were used, though conservatism in writing brought greater complexity than that of the script which had been modified by Babylonian merchants. As a result of Babylonian influence Assyria was unable to develop a powerful literary tradition. Native religious literature centred entirely about Ashur. The royal annals alone were purely Assyrian in style and followed invention of the cylinder or hexagon on which crowded lines of script permitted longer narratives. They were fully developed in the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I.
Egypt became an Assyrian province following invasion in 674 B.C., the capture of Memphis in 671 B.C., and the sack of Thebes in 668 B.C. The additional strains imposed by expansion brought disaster. The burden of military campaigns had been evident in a weakening of administration under Esarhaddon. Only strong rulers had been able from time to time to unite the north and south Euphrates and the cultural and religious strength of Babylon proved too powerful. To this was added the task of including the cultural and religious centre of Egypt. Flexibility was introduced in the imperial structure through the rise of imperial free cities in Babylonia. Cities were given a certain measure of freedom and in Ashur townsmen were given charters with clearly defined special privileges. But without the strength of organized continuity characteristic of religious organizations, the problem of succession was never satisfactorily solved. Royal families reached periods of degeneracy and dynasties were overthrown. The most energetic rulers refused to build palaces in old capitals and built new capitals as a means of avoiding the enemies of an old court and of strengthening their prestige. The building of new and expensive capitals with stone, in contrast with use of clay and brick in the south, imposed heavy drains on the energies of the people. At the end of the eighth century a new wave of horsemen of Indo-European speech began to pour into Asia Minor. The Cimmerians attacked Lydia in 652 B.C. and Scythians, Medes, and Babylonians joined to destroy Nineveh in 612 B.C.
Expansion of the Assyrian empire facilitated the growth of trade conducted by Arameans who carried the products of Eg
ypt, Syria, and Babylonia eastward by land and by the Phoenicians who built up the coast cities of Tyre, Sidon, and Byblos in relation to trade by sea. Phoenicians and Arameans, the commercial peoples of the empire, used the alphabet. Peace within an enlarged empire brought increased industrial efficiency. The culture of Assyria was imperial and rested on the subjugation and incorporation of peoples of different languages, races, and cultures. A system of deportation was used on a large scale as a means of blotting out nationalistic and narrowly local cultures. The political decay of Aramean states was followed by the cultural and economic supremacy of Aramaic by the end of the seventh century. The Aramean city-states were destroyed and the people turned to trade in the vast territory within the Assyrian imperial structure. Domestication of the camel about the end of the twelfth century was followed by the growth of a caravan trade. Babylonian weights and measures were used on a larger scale. Refined silver, stamped with the image of the god whose temple guaranteed its fineness, marked the beginnings of an efficient coined money. By the middle of the ninth century the alphabet was extensively used in Syria. Arameans used the Phoenician characters and languages in north Syrian inscriptions. After Sennacherib Aramaic characters alone were used for weights. Cuneiform was used in business documents but Aramaic dockets were kept. By the middle of the eighth century Assyrian records were being kept in Aramaic. Ink was used on the margins of clay tablets and on potsherds. Two scribes were shown in drawings, the chief with a stylus and a tablet and the assistant with the pen and parchment or papyrus. Skins first appeared in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser and were used by the priests of Gula and Ishtar. Since papyrus was easily broken it spread less rapidly than pen and ink and the alphabet. With the development of writing and the use of parchment, officials in the empire could be kept under close supervision. They acted under detailed orders and were subject to immediate recall. Daily communication was established with the capital. The introduction of a new language and a new medium of communication was followed by more efficient administration.
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