by Noah Raford
During the Gilded Age, the corporate elite made exclusive claims on modernity. Captains of finance and industry, supported by economists and political scientists from the universities, held that the particular corporate model they pursued conformed to unalterable laws of progress and development. They derided those who questioned corporate prerogatives as helplessly opposed to progress, bound by tradition, and intractably anti-modern.…
At the dawn of the twenty-first century, new structures of corporate prerogatives and control are being presented as the inevitable outcomes of new technologies and the new realities of a global economy. The Populist experience puts into question such claims of inevitability.… The Populist revolt reflected a conflict over divergent paths of modern capitalist development. Such a conclusion is pregnant with possibilities. It suggests that modern society is not a given but is shaped by men and women who pursue alternative visions of what the modern world should be.
For stimulating discussion carrying this theme forward into the progressive era, see Robert D. Johnston, The Radical Middle Class: Populist Democracy and the Question of Capitalism in Progressive Era Portland, Oregon (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2003), especially chap 1, 5, and 22.
59 And see Marc Schneiberg, “What’s on the Path? Path Dependence, Organizational Diversity and the Problem of Institutional Change in the U.S. Economy, 1900–1950,” Socio-Economic Review (2007) 5, 47–80.
60 For a very stimulating argument along these lines, in the context of a discussion of the need to both reassert and “correct” Polanyi, see Nancy Fraser, “Marketization, Social Protection, Emancipation: Toward a Neo-Polanyian Conception of Capitalist Crisis,” in Business As Usual: The Roots of the Global Financial Meltdown, edited by C. Calhoun and G. Derluguian (New York: NYU Press, 2011).
61 Johnston, The Radical Middle Class, 267, referencing Charles F. Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin, eds., Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
62 On property-owning democracy, see Martin O’Neill and Thad Williamson, eds., Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012).
63 One of the main ideologies of the Tea Party movement is right-wing, libertarian producerism. See John Judis, “Tea Minus Zero: The Tea Party Menace Will Not Go Quietly,” The New Republic, May 5, 2010. Further, there is a virtual renaissance going on in “neo-Jeffersonian” theory and Lincoln studies, as well as in the historiography of Progressivism Two. See, for example, Phillip Longman, “Yeoman’s Return: Small-Scale Ownership and the Next Progressive Era,” The New America Foundation, January 2009: “Finally, because of the long hold and widespread appeal of the yeoman ideal on the American political imagination, a politics that pays honor to this tradition has the potential to bridge the country’s cultural divides, just as occurred during the last progressive Era.… The yeoman, even when beat down and betrayed by banks, middlemen, politicians, thin soil, or a bad Internet connection, has a dignity and independence of mind nearly all Americans want to, and should, recognize in themselves.” See also John Barry, “Towards a Green Republicanism: Constitutionalism, Political Economy, and the Green State,” The Good Society 17, no. 2 (2008): “Emphasizing the republican strains native to the political cultures of western liberal democracies could help to create a political environment more conducive to green politics and policy, and allows greens to offer an ‘immanent critique’ of the current unsustainable development paths being followed by western societies in a language comprehensible to the majority of its citizens.” For elaboration, see Barry’s recent book, The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012). For another recent optimistic analysis, see Paul G. Harris, What’s Wrong with Climate Politics and How to Fix It (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013).
64 See, in particular, Geoffrey Kurtz’s explication of Jean Jaures’s conception of a social democratic citizen’s army in “An Apprenticeship for Life in Common: Jean Jaures on Social Democracy and the Modern Republic,” New Political Science 35, no. 1 (2013): 65–83. Also of interest: B. M. Stentiford, The Richardson Light Guard of Wakefield, Massachusetts: A Town Militia in War and Peace, 1851–1975 (Jefferson, NC: MacFarland, 2013). The development and practice of paramilitary and military units (“guerrilla armies”) by idealistic revolutionary movements also provides some important lessons, both positive and negative, regarding the political education and political culture of “popular” armed forces. See, for example, Elisabeth Jean Wood, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). The positive accomplishments—and the problems and failures—of the Sandinista police and armed forces during the ten years that Sandinismo was in power in Nicaragua and fighting a guerilla war against forces assisted by the U.S. government, are highly relevant. See William Barnes, “The Past and Future of the Left in Nicaragua and El Salvador: Successes and Failures; Legacy, Prospects, and the Populist Temptation,” unpublished manuscript.
65 “Who Will Build the Ark?” New Left Review 61 (January/February 2010): 45–46, quoting the UN Human Development Report 2007/2008, 2.
66 This potential is manifest in many of the activists and staff of international humanitarian and environmental civil society—at least in the less technocratic and non-neo-colonial incarnations of such entities—which is really a very large universe, much more elaborate than most people realize, and carrying a much bigger burden, without which the rest of us would be much more directly confronted with the ramifications of the world’s terrible problems.
67 A different version of this paper is published as “Green Social Democracy or Barbarism: Climate Change and the End of High Modernism,” in The Deepening Crisis: Governance Challenges after Neoliberalism, edited by Craig Calhoun and Georgi Derluguian, Possible Futures, vol. 2, of the Social Science Research Council (New York: New York University Press, June 2011).
Chapter 11. Bringing the End of War to the Global Badlands
1 Aude Fleurant and Sam Perlo-Freeman, “The SIPRI Top 100 Arms-Producing and Military Services Companies, 2013,” (Stockholm: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2014).
2 Jeffrey Boutwell and Michael T Klare, “A Scourge of Small Arms” Scientific American (June 2000).
3 Nathan P. Gardels, At Century’s End: Great Minds Reflect on Our Times. (La Jolla, California: ALTI Publishing, 1997).
4 Jonathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth. (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2000).
5 Daniel L Byman, “Do Targeted Killings Work?” Foreign Policy, (July 14, 2009).
6 Human Security Report Project. Human Security Report 2009/2010: The Causes of Peace and the Shrinking Costs of War. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).
7 Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature. (New York: Allen Lane, 2011).
8 Spencer R Weart, Never at War: Why Democracies Will Not Fight One Another (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998).
Chapter 12. The White Hats
1 For part of the story of Jomo Gbomo and MEND, see Sebastian Junger, “Blood Oil,” Vanity Fair (New York, February 2007).
2 Asari Dokubu, “Me, Henry Okah ‘Jomo Gbomo,’ Judith Asuni and the Niger Del-ta Insurgency,” http://saharareporters.com/node/9784/126626 (December 31, 2008).
3 See, for example, Judith Burdin Asuni, “Blood Oil in the Niger Delta,” United States Institute of Peace (Washington DC, 2009).
4 “Talking Helmand: The Political Officer’s Advice for Armies Campaigning into the Pashtoon Heartland,” YouTube video, 1:29:18, uploaded by “CarrCenter,” September 24, 2009, www.youtube.com/watch?v=GA7S__Q2olc.
5 See, for example, Mary Kaldor and Shannon D. Beebe, The Ultimate Weapon Is No Weapon (New York: Public Affairs, 2010).
6 David Rose, “The Gaza Bombshell,” Vanity Fair, (New York, April 2008).
7 See Regaining the Initiative: Palestinian Strategic O
ptions to End the Occupation (Palestinian Strategy Study Group, August 2008) and Adam Kahane, Chapter 5, “Stumbling.” In Power and Love a Theory and Practice of Social Change. (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2010).
8 Alastair Crooke, Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution. (London: Pluto Press, 2009).
9 Ron Suskind, “Faith, Certainty and the Presidency of George W. Bush,” The New York Times Magazine (New York, October 17, 2004).
10 See Shadia Drury, Leo Strauss and the American Right, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997).
11 Alastair Crooke, “Red Shi’ism, Iran, and the Islamist Revolution,” (London: Red Pepper, October 2009).
12 “Statement on Avaaz’s Role in Evacuation of Journalists from Syria,” Avaaz, August 14, 2012, https://secure.avaaz.org/act/media.php?press_id=379.
13 See, for instance, Gene Sharp and Joshua Paulson. Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Cractice and 21st Century Potential, (Boston: Extending Horizons Books, 2005). Robert Helvey, On Strategic Nonviolent Conflict: Thinking About the Fundamentals, (Boston: Albert Einstein Institute, 2004).
14 See Wael Ghonim, Revolution 2.0, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012).
15 Drew Westen, The Political Brain: The Role of Emotion in Deciding the Fate of the Nation, (New York: Public Affairs, 2007); George Lakoff, Don’t Think of an Elephant!: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate: The Essential Guide for Progressives, (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2004).
16 See Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War. (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2003).
Chapter 13. Beyond Survival
1 See Laurence Gonzales, Deep Survival—Who Lives, Who Dies, and Why?, (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2003).
2 See Don Michael, On Learning to Plan & Planning to Learn, (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1973).
3 See Ian Mitroff, Why Some Companies Emerge Stronger and Better from a Crisis: Seven Essential Lessons for Surviving Disaster. (New York: AMACOM, 2005).
4 See Maureen O’Hara and Graham Leicester, Dancing at the Edge: Competence, Culture and Organization in the 21st Century, (Axminster: Triarchy, 2012.
Acknowledgments
Editors’ Acknowledgments
This book is a culmination of myriad journeys, inspirations, and ideas. Its contents reflect the work of twenty different authors, writing on subjects as wide-ranging as the nature of state failure to human psychology. They combine to describe a present reality and plausible future that we hope startles, motivates, and helps everyday citizens and our political leaders to resolve some of the most exigent issues faced by humanity. This work would not be possible without the support of innumerable people and institutions, whom the editors and authors thank sincerely and with deep regard.
The editors would first and foremost like to thank Douglas Reil, Leslie Larson, and the entire family at North Atlantic Books, who have supported this project at every stage, and Penguin Random House for helping us distribute this work to a wide audience.
To our coauthors: we are deeply indebted to you. It has been an honor and privilege to work on this project with you, and we look forward to continued collaboration and future publications together.
Andrew Trabulsi would like to sincerely thank: my mother and father, who have supported me in every venture I’ve ever undertaken, and my sister and brother, Julie and Stephen, who’ve helped me grow in more ways than I can describe. Thank you as well to: my love, Alexandra Haygood, Nick Leach, Bjorn Cooley, Ting Kelly, Alex Gold, Mick Costigan, Kosuke Hata, Bettina Warburg, Andrew Douglas, Beto Borges, Vasco van Roosmalen, the Paiter-Surui, the Meyer family, Cecily Guest, Jay Ogilvy, Hunter Lovins, Greg Miller, Doug Carmichael, Chris Williams, Deniz Leuenberger, Maureen Taylor, Renn Vara, David Erickson, Edward West, Dori Koll, David Martin, Global Business Network, the Deloitte Center for the Edge, the Long Now Foundation, and the Institute for the Future. Also, a deep thanks to the infinite others who are not mentioned here—friends, colleagues, and strangers—who have inspired me, supported me, and challenged me to explore the world intimately and without fear.
Noah Raford would like to thank: Vinay Gupta, whose conversations planted the seed for this book, David Stevens and Alex Evans, whose early input helped give the project life, Dick O’Neill and John O’Connor, whose sustaining comments on early drafts at the Highlands Forum provided incisive direction, and the many other authors, friends, family members, and colleagues who have helped shape the thinking behind this work. Thank you all.
Finally, the editors and authors would like to thank Napier Collyns, to whom this book is dedicated, whose mentorship, ruthless curiosity, and unremitting support has helped bring this group of writers together, inspired us to carry this project through, and taught many of us how to be better human beings.
Contributor Acknowledgments
William Barnes: Thanks for comments/help on either the earlier version or this version of this paper from: Craig Calhoun, Andrew Blau, Robby Mockler, Andrew Trabulsi, Noah Raford, Jenny Johnston, Erik Olin Wright, Larry Rosenberg, George Scialabba, Jack Spence, Napier Collyns, Bob Horn, Rich Hayes, Dorothy Wall.
Tuesday Reitano: I offer my greatest thanks to my family, Carlo, Giorgio and Valentina, for the constant love, support and patience, and to Mark Shaw for inspiration and advice.
John P. Sullivan: I would like to acknowledge my doctoral advisor Manuel Castells for his tutelage and insights into networks and their impact on the state. His guidance refined my understanding of the complex dynamics of sovereignty and emerging state forms. I would also like to acknowledge the Intelligence Studies Section of the International Studies Association where I have chaired, co-chaired, or participated in panels on this book’s theme for over a decade. The collaborative inquiry of that and related efforts are helping to refine our knowledge of networks and the space of flows of the state forms of the future.
Peter Taylor: Thanks to Dr. Kalypso Nicolaidis of St Antony’s College, Oxford, for our discussions.
Shlok Vaidya: Many thanks to John Robb for his mentorship, Matt Devost for his patience, and Mark Pfeifle for his insight. Also, India’s National Security Guard for listening, and the Railway Protection Force for their assistance.
About the Contributors
Dr. William Barnes holds a PhD in political science from the University of Michigan and a law degree from the University of California, Berkeley. Since 1968, he has taught political science—off and on, hither and yon—while, since 1985, making his living as a trial lawyer in the San Francisco Bay Area. From 1986 to 2006 he worked in, studied, and published extensively on election campaigns and preelection public opinion polling in Nicaragua and El Salvador. He currently teaches part time at UC Berkeley and City College of San Francisco.
Dr. Daniel Biró is currently a lecturer in international studies at the University of South Australia. Daniel holds a PhD in politics and international relations from the Australian National University as well as an MScEcon in strategic studies (Aberystwyth), and a MA in European studies (CEU). The research for his chapter was done as part of—and was included in the final version of—his PhD thesis, to be published as a monograph in 2015 (Ashgate). His current research interest revolves around the issue of marginalization and deviance in international politics, including state failure and the policies of state building, as well as the so-called rogue states.
James Bosworth is a freelance writer and consultant based in Managua, Nicaragua. Most recently, he has written reports on Latin American security, politics, and energy issues; arms trafficking in El Salvador; organized crime in Honduras; and cybersecurity cooperation to combat botnets. His work has been cited in U.S. congressional testimony as well as in the Economist, Wall Street Journal, Christian Science Monitor, and other media outlets. Prior to freelancing, James was associate for communications at the Inter-American Dialogue and director of research at the Rendon Group. James blogs at www.bloggingsbyboz.com, where he provides daily analysis an
d commentary on Latin American politics and U.S. foreign policy. He has a BA in political science and history from Washington University in St. Louis.
Dr. Nils Gilman is associate chancellor at the University of California, Berkeley. He holds a BA, MA, and PhD in intellectual history from the University of California, Berkeley, and is the author of Mandarins of the Future: Modernization Theory in Cold War America (2003) and Deviant Globalization (2011), an anthology that explores how globalized black-market economies are challenging traditional state authority. He is also the coeditor of Humanity, an international journal of human rights, humanitarian-ism, and development, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press.
Dr. Jesse Goldhammer is a principal at Doblin, Monitor Deloitte’s innovation consultancy, where he develops transformational innovation programs that help clients to solve vexing public and private sector challenges. He is an accomplished innovator, instructor, facilitator, and presenter. Jesse earned a PhD from UC Berkeley in political science. An expert in modern political theory, Jesse has coauthored Deviant Globalization: Black Market Economy in the 21st Century (Continuum Publishing, 2011) and written The Headless Republic (Cornell University Press, 2005). Dr. Daniel S. Gressang is a strategy and engagement lead for the U.S. Department of Defense and an adjunct professor for the University of Maryland University College. Daniel holds an AB and MA in political science from the University of Alabama, an MS in strategic intelligence from the National Intelligence University, and a PhD in government and politics from the University of Maryland. The views expressed in his contribution are his own and do not reflect the policy or position of the Department of Defense or the United States Government.
