by Kofi Annan
If the MDGs have succeeded in creating a universally accepted template for addressing the sources of social and economic development, R2P—the Responsibility to Protect—has changed the global understanding of sovereignty, such that no state should be allowed to violate the rights of its citizens with impunity—and allow no leader to imagine that his standing will be unaffected by the way he treats his people. In any such ambition, where the aim is to alter the balance of power between state and citizen, progress will be slow and fitful. None of us behind the development of this emerging international norm imagined that states everywhere suddenly would respect the rights of their peoples, or that the answer when they failed was necessarily military action in the name of human rights. What we sought—and still seek—is a consciousness on the part of leaders and governments everywhere that their integration into global society cannot progress without respect for human rights.
The MDGs and R2P each represent, in their own way, attempts to renew the structures of global governance for a purpose beyond the privilege of states, and to empower individuals to turn their sails toward realizing their potential. In a world undergoing dramatic shifts in the balance of power—between the West and the East; the state and the private sector; an economy designed for the benefit of a few and one reimagined toward sustainable inclusive growth—the United Nations can still play a vital, convening role and be an agent for progress.
The UN Charter was written in the name of “We the Peoples,” and if it renews itself for a new era of people power, the organization can aspire to making a far greater impact in the lives of those who need it most. From the farmer in Africa to the girl being educated in Afghanistan to the Chinese family buying their first home to the Sudanese village enjoying peace, security, and self-rule, new dreams are being realized in every part of the world.
A United Nations that serves not only states but also peoples—and becomes the forum where governments are held accountable for their behavior toward their own citizens—will earn its place in the twenty-first century.
I was educated on three continents, attending universities in Africa, North America, and Europe. My time at Macalester College in Minnesota, United States, was an eye-opening experience of another culture undergoing dramatic changes. In 1960, I joined the Ambassadors for Friendship program at the college, which sent small groups of international and American students out to explore the United States. Macalester College Archives, DeWitt Wallace Library
On the drums while a student in the United States, 1960. Courtesy of the author
Setting the record for the 60-yard sprint at Macalester College. Macalester College Archives, DeWitt Wallace Library
My father, Henry Reginald (H.R.) Annan, in Freemason’s regalia. To him, there was no contradiction in being African in identity and European in outlook. Courtesy of the author
My mother, Rose Eshun. Courtesy of the author
Briefing President Bill Clinton, Ambassador Madeleine Albright, and Secretary of State Warren Christopher on current peacekeeping operations in the UN situation room. My deputy Iqbal Riza is at Clinton’s left. When I took over the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations in 1993, UN peacekeeping was undergoing enormous changes. Peacekeepers were being sent into dangerous and unstable territories torn by civil war often with limited means and mandates. Courtesy of the author, photographer unknown
Walking through the streets of Sarajevo with UN peacekeeping officers, 1995. The war in Bosnia was one of the most drawn-out and destructive conflicts for UN peacekeeping in the early 1990s. As secretary-general, I made it a priority that we drew the right lessons from that experience. Courtesy of the author, photo by P. W. Ball
With General Janvier, commander of the UN Protection Force in Croatia and Bosnia Herzegovina, flying from Zagreb to Sarajevo before handing over mission responsibility to NATO, in December 1995. Courtesy of the author, photographer unknown
Being sworn in as the seventh secretary-general of the United Nations, December 17, 1996, by the president of the General Assembly, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia. UN Photo/Evan Schneider © United Nations
On a plane above Angola, March 1997. My first international trip as secretary-general was a tour of Africa. As the first sub-Saharan African to lead the UN, putting the continent’s enormous challenges at the top of the international community’s agenda was a priority throughout my tenure. Shortly after this first visit, I returned again in June, this time with a tougher message for Africa’s leaders: to demand their collective rejection of leaders who came to power through military coups. UN Photo/Milton Grant
In February 1998, I traveled to Baghdad to meet with Saddam Hussein in an attempt to avert another war in Iraq over its weapons of mass destruction program. The negotiations were initially successful, with Iraq agreeing to allow weapons inspectors into palaces and other “Presidential sites.” Iraqi News/United Nations
With Pope John Paul II, a leading global voice of concern for the poor and a tireless advocate of peaceful resolutions of disputes. I believed the United Nations had to be a United Nations of peoples, not just of member states. I worked to open the United Nations’ doors to other global organizations, including world religions and other prominent players in international civil society as another instrument for influencing the international agenda on global issues, from tackling wars and disease to promoting development and human rights. © Photographic Service L’Osservatore Romano
As secretary-general, I made it my mission to put the individual at the center of everything we did. There were few more powerful reminders of the importance of this than speaking with refugees, in this case with a woman who had been forced to flee Kosovo in 1999 in the face of the Serbian campaign of “ethnic cleansing.” UN Photo/Evan Schneider
During my ten years in office, I got to know Tony Blair, George Bush, and Jacques Chirac well—as leaders and friends—though the Iraq crisis would put our relationships to the test. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
Visiting Ground Zero within days of the attacks of 9/11. I shared my shock and outrage with President George W. Bush and conveyed a universal sense of support and sympathy with the people of the United States. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
Colin Powell lent his unique prestige and reputation to America’s case for war over Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction. I always admired his dignity and deep sense of duty to his country. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
I began my Nobel Peace Prize address imagining the fate of a girl born in Afghanistan that day and urged the world to unite around the idea that sovereignty should never be considered a shield for gross violations of human rights. © Sergey Bermeniev
After we succeeded in bringing East Timor back from the brink of a savage civil war, the United Nations became responsible for its transition to independence. I asked Sergio Vieira de Mello (to my right) to lead this complex task, and in so doing he brilliantly managed the emergence of a new nation led by the courageous Xanana Gusmão. © Sergey Bermeniev
Wynton Marsalis, a visionary of music and art, became a friend and supporter—though getting a tune out of his trumpet turned out to be a lot harder than it looked much to the amusement of my wife Nane and Luciano Pavarotti. UN Photo/Evan Schneider
In Darfur, meeting with two women who told me of their suffering at the hands of the Janjaweed militia. Nowhere was the question of intervention more complex or challenging. UN Photo/Evan Schneider
Nelson Mandela, whose singular leadership qualities and moral courage have been an inspiration throughout my career. As secretary-general, I could always count on his support and—at critical junctures—personal intervention in crises from Africa to Iraq. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
My fearless and loyal friend Richard Holbrooke (standing to Bill Clinton’s left), who never hesitated to challenge me when he thought the UN could do better, and never left my side—even at the most difficult moments of my time
as secretary-general. © Sergey Bermeniev
The signing ceremony for the Rome Statute—a signal moment of progress in international law and the fight against impunity for war crimes and crimes against humanity. UN Photo
With our children and friends at the Nobel Peace Prize celebration in Oslo—a moment of recognition for the work of the United Nations in every part of the world. © Sergey Bermeniev
INDEX
The page numbers in this index refer to the printed version of this book. To find the corresponding locations in the text of this digital version, please use the “search” function on your e-reader. Note that not all terms may be searchable.
Abacha, Sani, 160, 161, 162, 183
Abbas, Mahmoud, 285–86, 289, 291, 294
Abdullah, Crown Prince, 276
Abiola, Moshood, 160–61, 162–66
Abubakar, Abdulsalam, 161–67
Abu Ghraib, 365, 366
accountability, and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 245
Afghanistan, 335–44
Bonn process and, 339–42
Taliban defeated in, 335, 336–37
UN role in forming new government in, 337–44
Africa, 159–208. See also specific countries
Africa Report, 178–79
agriculture and, 206–7
Annan address to African heads of state, 174–75, 181–82
Big Man system versus rule of law, 167–84
colonialism and, 171–72, 175–79, 212–13
coups d’état in, 21–22, 26, 164, 170, 173, 175, 176, 182–84
democratic elections in, 173–74
HIV/AIDS and, 210–11
Kenyan political crisis, 184–205
lack of institutions in, 170–71
leadership and, 170–71, 175–79
military regimes and, 174–77
Nigerian transition to democracy, 159–66
obstacles to growth and prosperity in, 206–7
revolutionary movements and, 171–72
traditional dispute resolution in, 172–73
ubuntu philosophy, 173
African Growth and Opportunity Act, 177
African Union (AU), 151–52, 182–83
Africa Report, 178–79
Agenda for Peace, An, 35
Agreement on the Principles of Partnership of the Coalition Government, 201
agriculture
Africa and, 206–7
development and, 370
subsidies protecting, 248
Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 305
Ahtisaari, Martti, 98–99, 100, 280, 281, 356
Aidid, Mohamed Farrah, 29–30, 39, 40, 42, 44, 50, 53
Akram, Munir, 146–47
Alatas, Ali, 103
Albanians, 11, 87
Albright, Madeleine, 43, 55, 137, 138, 262, 361–62
Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations and, 267, 268, 271
Kosovo and, 94, 98, 99
sanctions and inspections of Iraq and, 322–26, 331, 333
Ali Mahdi Mohamed, 39
Allawi, Ayad, 358
Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), 370
al Qaeda, 234, 315–16, 335, 342–43, 365
Amin, Idi, 91, 183
Andjaba, Martin, 110
Angola, 34, 213
Annan, Ama, 27
Annan, Effua, 15, 16
Annan, Essie, 15
Annan, Ewura, 16
Annan, Henry Reginald, 15–16, 19, 20–21, 24–25
Annan, Kobina, 15
Annan, Kofi. See also Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO)
address to African heads of state by, 174–75, 181–82
Africa Report, 178–79
approval of NATO actions in Serbia, 11–12
Butler, appointment of, 322–23
childhood of, 15–17
Darfur and, 121–29
development agenda of UN and (See development agenda of UN)
duty of care, intervention as, 114–19
early career of, 25–27
East Timor and, 102–14
at Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), 212–13
education of, 22–25
election as secretary-general, 137–38
on future of Middle East, 310–13
Ghanaian independence and, 17–22
Hamas and, 290–94
Harriri and, 295, 298–99
HIV/AIDS campaign and, 236–44
human rights, sanctity and universality of, 83–86
on illegality of Iraq War, 357–58, 364
“In Larger Freedom” report, 118, 157
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and, 253–54, 256–60, 268–71, 308–10
Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon (2000) and, 262–66
Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon (2006) and, 303–8
Jenin and, 279–80
Kenyan mediation and, 184, 189–202
Kosovo intervention and, 87–91
on leadership, in Africa, 170–71, 175–79
Lebanon War of 2006 and, 4–8, 9–10, 302–8
on military regimes, 174–77
Nobel Peace Prize (2001) and, 136–37, 140, 335
Oil-for-Food Programme and, 141, 321, 358–63
Powell on WMD and, 1–2
Quartet, formation of, 273–75
reform of UN (See reform, UN)
release of Nigerian political prisoners and, 159–66
Responsibility to Protect doctrine and, 116–19, 132–33, 145, 147
role of Security Council in authorizing force, statement on, 95–97
rule of law, restoring (See rule of law)
Rwanda address of, 73–75
sanctions and inspections of Iraq and, 323–34
Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon and, 300–2
Taliban and, 8–9
tough love approach in engaging African problems, 179–81
vision for UN in twenty-first century of, 12–13
We the Peoples report and, 222–26
Annan, Kojo, 27, 360
Annan, Nana, 15
Annan, Nane, 73, 100, 136, 187, 211, 258, 315, 335
Annan, Rose, 16
Annan, Titi Alakija, 27
anti-Semitism, 259
Arab Awakening, 296, 310–13, 367–70
Arab-Israeli War of 1973, 30–31
Arab Peace Initiative, 275–76, 279
Arafat, Yasser, 251, 252, 254–55, 261, 266–72, 275–76, 279, 285–86
Arusha Accords, 49, 50, 51
Ashanti, 19, 20–21
Assad, Hafez al-, 254–55, 261–62, 296–97, 300–1, 305, 312
Australia, 106–8, 112
“automaticity” of military force, and resolution 1441, 347–49
Aziz, Tariq, 326, 327, 331, 332, 344
Babangida, Ibrahim, 161
Bakassi Peninsula, 115
Bamiyan Buddhas, 8
Bangladesh, 52, 91, 236
Ban Ki-moon, 190, 368
Barak, Ehud, 6, 254–55, 260, 261–72
at Camp David, 254–55, 261–62, 266–67
Lebanon withdrawal and, 261–66
second intifada and, 261–72
Baril, Maurice, 55, 66
Barre, Siad, 39
Bashir, Omar al-, 121–23, 126, 127–28, 151, 155, 183, 207–8, 329
Beilin, Yossi, 266
Belgium, 48, 49, 52, 56–57
Belo, Carlos Ximenes, 102
Ben-Ami, Shlomo, 268
<
br /> Ben-Eliezer, Benjamin, 280
Ben-Gurion, David, 259
Berger, Sandy, 270, 271, 331–32, 334
Bernadotte, Folke, 255
Big Man system, 167–84
true leadership distinguished, 170–71
in Zimbabwe, 167–69
Bildt, Carl, 98, 99
Bill Gates Foundation, 240
bin Laden, Osama, 9, 335
Blair, Tony, 3–4, 5, 234, 271, 273, 303, 342, 355, 361–62, 364
invasion of Iraq and, 346, 352, 353
Sierra Leone and, 117
Blix, Hans, 321–22, 344–45, 353
Blue Line, 263, 264–65, 302, 307
Bolton, John, 146, 147, 234, 300, 304
Bonn Agreement, 340
Bonn conference, 339–42
Booh-Booh, Jacques-Roger, 53, 56
Bosnia, 10, 32, 60–73, 85–86, 214
capture of UN personnel, 69
creation of Rapid Reaction Force (RRF), 71
ethnic cleansing in, 61–62, 65, 68–69, 86
fall of Srebrenica and Zepa safe areas, 70
independence of, 61
NATO air attacks on Bosnian forces, 72
original UN purpose in, 64–65
