17. See Muhammad Taqi ‘Usmani, preface to Tayyib, ‘Ulama-yi Deoband, 11.
18. Tayyib, ‘Ulama-yi Deoband, 18.
19. M.T. ‘Usmani, preface to Tayyib, ‘Ulama-yi Deoband, 4–5 (emphasis added).
20. Ibid., 7–9.
21. Thanvi, Tuhfat al-‘ulama, 1:106.
22. J.M.S. Baljon, Religion and Thought of Shah Wali Allah, 1703–1762 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986), 4–5. Madrasa Rahimiyya assigned students to read Suhrawardi’s (d. 1234) Awarif al-ma‘arif and multiple works by Jami (d. 1492), including his Sharh al-ruba‘iyyat, his Naqd al-nusus (a commentary on the Nusus of Qunawi, one of Ibn ‘Arabi’s students), and his commentary on the Lama‘at of Iraqi (d. 1289). See Ghulam Sufi, Al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of India (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Dihli, 1977), 69–70. In Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi’s assessment, Mulla Nizam al-Din “intended to keep the madrasa (seminary) separate from the khanqah (sufi monastery),” leaving the ‘ulama “free to choose a worldly career and to obtain training in a khanqah later if they so desired.” Rizvi, Shah Wali Allah and His Times (Canberra: Ma‘rifat Publishing House, 1980), 392.
23. Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall, 53–54. He also notes that “the lack of books on Sufism certainly did not mean any opposition on the part of Mulla Nizam al-Din and his family to the spiritual dimensions of Islam. . . . [T]hey were, almost without exception, devout Sufis and no student could have sat at their feet without being aware of this.”
24. Muhammad Taqi ‘Usmani, Hamara ta‘limi nizam (Deoband: Maktaba-yi Dar al-‘Ulum, 1998), 99.
25. Ibid., 94–95.
26. Ibid., 95.
27. Shafi‘, Dil ki dunya, 22.
28. Ibid., 23–24.
29. Muhammad Taqi ‘Usmani, Akabir-i Deoband kya the (Karachi: Idara al-Ma‘arif, 1994), 87.
30. Tayyib, introduction to Rizvi, Tarikh-i Dar al-‘Ulum Deoband, 1:12.
31. Muhammad Yusuf Ludhianvi, Ikhtilaf-i ummat aur sirat al-mustaqim (Karachi: Maktaba-yi Ludhianvi, 1995), 38.
32. Quoted in Anton Blok, “The Narcissism of Minor Differences,” European Journal of Social Theory 1, no. 1 (1998): 33–56, at 38.
33. Constance Furey, “Body, Society and Subjectivity in Religious Studies,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 80, no. 1 (2012): 7–33, at 9.
34. Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali Nadvi, Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas aur un ki dini da‘wat (Karachi: Majlis-i Nashriyat-i Islam, n.d.), 83.
35. Yoginder Sikand, The Origins and Development of the Tablighi Jama‘at (1920–2000): A Cross-Country Comparative Study (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2002), 124–27.
36. Mirathi, Tazkirat al-Khalil, 429.
37. Muhammad ‘Ashiq Ilahi, Che batein (Karachi: Qadimi Kutub Khana, n.d.), 3–5.
38. Shafiq Ahmad A‘zami, Makatib-i Tayyib (Deoband: Maktaba-yi Nu‘maniyya, 1972), 93.
39. Muhammad Manzur Nu‘mani, Malfuzat-i Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas (Lucknow: Kutub Khana al-Furqan, n.d.), 137–38.
40. Ibid., 138.
41. Ibid., 138–39.
42. Ibid., 54.
43. J. Michelle Molina, To Overcome Oneself: The Jesuit Ethic and Spirit of Global Expansion, 1520–1767 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), 72.
44. Muhammad Faruq, Hayat-i Mahmud: Savanih Faqih al-Ummat Mufti Mahmud Hasan Gangohi (Meerut, India: Maktaba-yi Mahmudiyya, 1998), 156–60; S‘ad Sanaullah Shuja‘abadi, ‘Ulama-yi Deoband ke akhiri lamahat (Delhi: Farid Book Depot, 2006), 281.
45. Faruq, Afriqah aur khidmat-i Faqih al-Ummat, 235; Shuja‘abadi, ‘Ulama-yi Deoband, 283.
46. Faruq, Hayat-i Mahmud, 414–45.
47. Faruq, Afriqah aur khidmat-i Faqih al-Ummat, 234–35.
48. Ibid., 252.
49. These have included Ebrahim Saliji of Madrasa Ta‘lim al-Din in Isipingo Park, near Durban; Ebrahim Desai of Madrasa In‘aamiyya in Camperdown; Fazlur Rahman Azmi of the Dar al-‘Ulum Azaadville; and Yunus Patel of Madrasa Sawlehaat in Durban.
50. Fazlur Rahman Azmi, Hazrat Mufti Mahmud Hasan Sahib Gangohi aur Jama‘at-i Tabligh (Karachi: Zam Publishers, 2003), 16.
51. Ibid., 16. The timing of the speech would suggest that it may be the one subsequently published as Islah-i nafs aur Tablighi Jama‘at, discussed below in this chapter.
52. Azmi, Hazrat Mufti Mahmud Hasan Sahib Gangohi, 31.
53. Ibid., 48.
54. Nu‘mani, Malfuzat-i Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, 55.
55. Quoted in Ilahi, Che Batein, 82.
56. Nu‘mani, Malfuzat-i Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, 173.
57. Ibid., 31.
58. Muhammad Ilyas, A Call to Muslims (New Delhi: Idara Isha‘at-i Diniyat, n.d.), 3.
59. Nu‘mani, Malfuzat-i Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, 57.
60. Miftahi, Hayat-i Masih al-Ummat, 67.
61. Muhammad Khalid Masud, introduction to Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jama‘at as a Transnational Movement for Faith Renewal, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000), liv–lv.
62. Rizvi, Tarikh-i Dar al-‘Ulum Deoband, 1:225–26.
63. Muhammad Khalid Masud, “Ideology and Legitimacy,” in Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jama‘at as a Transnational Movement for Faith Renewal, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000), 100.
64. Masud, “Ideology and Legitimacy,” 100.
65. ‘Aziz al-Hasan, Ashraf al-savanih, 3:233.
66. Thanvi, Khutbat-i Hakim al-Ummat, 13:162–63.
67. Ibid., 138.
68. Ibid., 164.
69. Ibid., 47–48.
70. Ibid., 16, 24–26.
71. Ibid., 47–50.
72. Thanvi, Ashraf al-tariqat, 98–102.
73. Jonathan P. Berkey, Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2001), 76–77.
74. Gangohi, Hudud-i ikhtilaf, 211.
75. The publication does not provide the date of the speech, but Tayyib refers to the Tablighi Jama‘at being active for forty years at the time of the speech. The publication also does not supply the place where the speech was given or any other context; however, the timing would suggest it was a speech at a Tablighi gathering (ijtima‘) in Saharanpur at which Tayyib had been invited to speak by Mahmud Hasan Gangohi.
76. Qari Muhammad Tayyib, Islah-i nafs aur Tablighi Jama‘at (Lahore: ‘Umar Publications, n.d.), 12–13.
77. Ibid., 12–20.
78. Ibid., 21.
79. Ibid., 24–25.
80. Ibid., 25.
6. HOW A TRADITION TRAVELS
1. See the discussion in chap. 5, p. 157.
2. Kerry Ward, Networks of Empire: Forced Migration in the Dutch East India Company (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), esp. 127–78.
3. Ebrahim Moosa, “Islam in South Africa,” in Living Faiths in South Africa, ed. Martin Prozesky and John de Gruchy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 130.
4. Suleman Dangor, A Critical Biography of Shaykh Yusuf (Durban: Centre for Research in Islamic Studies, 1983). Shaykh Yusuf’s gravesite at Faure, near Cape Town, is the most important grave on the Cape kramat (Sufi shrine) circuit, built in its present form by a Cape Muslim philanthropist, Hajji Suleiman Shah Mohammed, in 1927. See Achmat Davids, The Mosques of the Bo-Kaap: A Social History of Islam at the Cape (Cape Town: South African Institute of Arabic and Islamic Research, 1980), 144.
5. Robert C. Shell, “Madrasahs and Moravians: Muslim Educational Institutions in the Cape Colony, 1792–1910,” New Contree 51 (2006): 101–13.
6. Martin Legassick and Robert Ross, “From Slave Economy to Settler Capitalism: The Cape Colony and Its Extensions, 1800–1854,” in The Cambridge History of South Africa, vol. 1, ed. Carolyn Hamilton, Bernard K. Mbenga, and Robert Ross (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 262.
7. Achmat Davids, The History of the Tana Baru (Cape Town: Committee for the Preservation of the Tana Baru, 1985).
9. John Edwin Mason, “‘A Faith for Ourselves’: Slavery, Sufism, and Conversion to Islam at the Cape,” South African Historical Journal 46 (2002): 3–24. See also Robert C. Shell, “Rites and Rebellion: Islamic Conversion at the Cape, 1808 to 1915,” Studies in the History of Cape Town 5 (1984): 1–46.
10. Achmat Davids, “Practice of Moulood Has Deep Roots in the Cape,” Muslim Views, June 1998, 10.
11. These clubs have distinctive names (e.g., the Red Crescents, Ubuntu, Summer Roses, White Water Lillies) and are usually based in individual neighborhoods. “Moulood Jamaahs 2002,” Boorhaanul Islam, March–June 2002, 64–69. See also Yusuf da Costa and Achmat Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History (Cape Town: Naqshbandi-Muhammadi South Africa, 1994), 140.
12. Davids, The Mosques of the Bo-Kaap, 25.
13. K.M. Jeffreys, “The Malay Tombs of the Holy Circle,” Cape Naturalist, 5 June 1938.
14. “Faure Karamat Hosts Successful Easter Festival,” Al-Qalam, May 2001, 5.
15. “Committee to Care for ‘Kramats,’” Muslim News, 3 September 1982, 11. The society was established after the retirement of Shaikh Kaderi of Kensington, Cape Town, who had personally cared for the shrines of ‘Abd al-Rahman Matura on Robben Island.
16. This remains a contested term. See Shamil Jeppie, “Reclassifications: Coloured, Malay, Muslim,” in Coloured by History, Shaped by Place: New Perspectives on Coloured identities in Cape Town, ed. Zimitri Erasmus (Colorado Springs: International Academic Publishers, 2001), as well as his I.D. du Plessis and the “Re-Invention” of the “Malay,” c. 1935–1952 (Cape Town: Centre for African Studies, 1988).
17. On British efforts to recruit Indians to work in Natal, see Thomas R. Metcalf, Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), chap. 5.
18. On Muslims in modern Indian Ocean history, see James L. Gelvin and Nile Green, eds., Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2014); Edward Simpson and Kai Kresse, “Cosmopolitanism Contested: Anthropology and History in the Western Indian Ocean,” in Struggling with History: Islam and Cosmopolitanism in the Western Indian Ocean, eds. Edward Simpson and Kai Kresse (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008); and Scott S. Reese, Imperial Muslims: Islam, Community and Authority in the Indian Ocean, 1839–1937 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018).
19. T.R. Metcalf, Imperial Connections, 1.
20. Surendra Bhana and Joy B. Brain, Setting Down Roots: Indian Migrants in South Africa, 1860–1911 (Johannesburg: Witwaterstrand University Press, 1990), 11–15.
21. Goolam H. Vahed, “A Sufi Saint’s Day in South Africa: The Legend of Badsha Peer,” South African Historical Journal 49 (2003): 96–122, at 98–99.
22. Ibid., 100–101. See also Nile Green, “Islam for the Indentured Servant: A Muslim Missionary in Colonial South Africa,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 3 (2008): 529–53.
23. Abdulkader Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa: The Muslim Youth Movement (Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 1995), 55.
24. Goolam H. Vahed, “Mosques, Mawlanas and Muharram: Indian Islam in Colonial Natal, 1860–1910,” in Journal of Religion in Africa, 31, no. 3 (2002): 305–35, at 314.
25. Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa, 58.
26. See Vahed, “Mosques, Mawlanas and Muharram,” 316; and Goolam H. Vahed, “An ‘Imagined Community’ in Diaspora: Gujaratis in South Africa,” South Asian History and Culture 1, no. 4 (October 2010): 615–29.
27. Vahed, “Mosques, Mawlanas and Muharram,” 317.
28. Quoted in ibid.
29. Abdulkader Tayob, “Race, Ideology and Islam in Contemporary South Africa,” in Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives, ed. R. Michael Feener (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2004), 258–59.
30. See Surendra Bhana and Goolam H. Vahed, The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914 (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005).
31. Rehana Ebr.-Vally, Kala Pani: Caste and Colour in South Africa (Colorado Springs: International Academic Publishers, 2001), 83.
32. Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa, 57. Tayob does not indicate whether this mosque was Surti, Memon, neither, or a combination thereof. I have been unable to find this information elsewhere.
33. Ibid., 57–58.
34. For a portrait of several Muslim scholars’ movements through these networks, focusing on movement between Ottoman and British domains, see Seema Alavi, Muslim Cosmopolitanism in the Age of Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015).
35. These would have been relatively small, local schools providing basic Islamic education to local populations rather than training ‘ulama. There were no Dar al-‘Ulums in South Africa at this point. Students who wanted to become ‘ulama had to pursue this abroad.
36. Al-Qasim 2, no. 4 (1911): 32.
37. Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa, 65.
38. Charl Le Roux, “Die Hanafitiese Ulama: Hulle Rol in Suid-Afrikaanse Konteks” (MA thesis, Rand Afrikaans University, 1978), 61–62.
39. Rizvi, Tarikh-i Dar al-‘Ulum Deoband, 2:152–53.
40. Faruq, Afriqah aur khidmat-i Faqih al-Ummat, 258.
41. Anzar Shah Ma‘sudi, Naqsh-i davam (Deoband: Shah Book Depot, n.d.), 42–47.
42. Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam, 52–53.
43. Especially Kandhlavi’s work anthologized in the enormously influential Faza’il-i a‘mal, among the most central texts for the Tablighi Jama‘at. Also occasionally called the Tablighi nisab, this collection features Kandhlavi’s reflections on pious and edifying tales from the Companions of the Prophet as well as “virtues” (faza’il) of the Qur’an, prayer, zikr, tabligh, and fasting during Ramadan. The collection also features Ihtisham al-Hasan Kandhlavi’s essay “Muslim Degeneration and Its Only Remedy” and ‘Ashiq Ilahi’s “Six Points.” The Waterval Islamic Institute’s version is now in its seventh printing, testifying to its popularity in South Africa: Faza’il-e-A‘maal (Johannesburg: Waterval Islamic Institute, 2000).
44. These madrasas are not Dar al-‘Ulums, meaning they were not equipped to train students to become ‘ulama. Until 1973, with the opening of the Dar al-‘Ulum Newcastle, South Africans had to go abroad to become ‘ulama. Charl Le Roux’s 1978 study of South African ‘ulama lists sixty-three of these smaller madrasas that affiliated with the Jamiatul Ulama in the Transvaal region. See Le Roux, “Die Hanafitiese Ulama,” app. 2.
45. A handwritten letter from the Jamiatul Ulama, dated 20 January 1976, discusses the introduction of the Tablighi nisab into its affiliated madrasas. Le Roux, “Die Hanafitiese Ulama,” app. 3. On the Tablighi nisab, see note 00 above.
46. “Death of Prominent Moulana,” Muslim News, 3 May 1963.
47. Moulana I.E. Akoo, Biography of the Founder of Darul Uloom Newcastle: Moulana Cassim Mohamed Sema Saheb (Newcastle: Darul Uloom Newcastle, 2007), 24.
48. The Jamiatul Ulama Natal is now known as the Jamiatul Ulama Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN). See www.jamiat.org.za.
49. Akoo, Darul Uloom Newcastle, 42.
50. Green, “Islam for the Indentured Indian,” 543.
51. Ebrahim Moosa, “Worlds ‘Apart’: The Tablighi Jama’at under Apartheid: 1963–1993,” in Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jama’at as a Transnational Movement for Faith Renewal, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000), 209.
52. Qasimul Uloom, “Tabligh Work in the Cape,” 1st Annual Bukhari Khatam Jalsa, 7 December 2003, 28–31.
53. “Tablighi Jamaat Invades Slums,” Muslim News, 16 June 1967, 9.
54. “Programme of Natal Tabligh Jamaats,” Muslim News, 25 August 1967.
55. “Tablighi Jamaat Discouraging?” Muslim News, 25 April 1969, 12; “Tabligh Methods Too Rigid” and “Tabligh Defended,” Muslim News, 4 July 1
969.
56. Marc Gaborieau, “The Transformation of the Tablighi Jama‘at into a Transnational Movement,” in Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jama‘at as a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000), 126, 129.
57. Including Dar al-‘Ulum Zakariyya in Lenasia; Madrasa In‘aamiyya in Camperdown; Madrasa Arabia Islamia in Azaadville; Dar al-‘Ulum Newcastle; Dar al-‘Ulum Abu Bakr in Port Elizabeth; Dar al-‘Ulum al-Arabiyya al-Islamiyya in Strand; Qasim al-‘Ulum in Mitchell’s Plain, outside of Cape Town; Madrasa Ta‘lim al-Din in Isipingo Beach; Jami‘a Mahmudiyya in Springs; and Ashraf al-‘Ulum in De Deur.
58. On this, see Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam, chap. 2.
59. Ismail Akoo, interview with author, Dar al-‘Ulum Newcastle, 23 March 2010.
60. Muhammad Khalid Sayed, “South African Madrasahs Move into the Twenty-First Century,” in Muslim Schools and Education in Europe and South Africa, ed. Abdulkader Tayob, Inga Niehaus, and Wolfram Weissem (Münster: Waxmann, 2011), 76.
61. Munier Adams, interview with author, Qasim al-‘Ulum, 22 September 2009.
62. Ismail Alie, interview with author, Qasim al-‘Ulum, 22 September 2009. Alie was the director of Qasim al-‘Ulum at the time of the interview.
63. Qasimul Uloom, “Friendship and Tolerance,” 3rd Annual Graduation of Ulama Jalsah, 11 December 2005, 9–15.
64. Mufti Raza al-Haq, Fatawa-yi Dar al-‘Ulum Zakariyya, ed. Shabbir Ahmad Saluji (Karachi: Zam Zam Publishers, 2015), 1:32.
65. Ibid., 1:644–66.
66. Ibid., 2:270–2. It is difficult to discern which fatwas are requested from South Africans. Like many fatwa collections, details about the mustafti (the one requesting the fatwa) have been removed. Questions and answers are written exclusively in Urdu (often with Arabic citations), suggesting either that the requests came from Urdu-speaking mustaftis in South Africa and abroad, or that requests in other languages (e.g., English, Afrikaans) were translated into Urdu for the purposes of publication. (Most Shafi‘is in South Africa will not speak Urdu as a first language.)
67. Ibid., 1:29.
69. Universal Truth Movement, “Universal Truth Movement General Report” (n.p., Universal Truth Movement, 1964).
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