4) Washington was anxious to learn General Howe’s intention as the troops embarked on ships at Amboy. One American spy reported horses were being loaded on board and “Their Stalls are all Cover’d and the Sides lined with Sheepskins with the Wool on to prevent the Horses Chafing- they would not make Use of Such precautions if they Intended up the North (Hudson) or East River.” ((Thomas J. McGuire, “The Philadelphia Campaign, Volume I- Brandywine and the Fall of Philadelphia,” p 70.) In other words, Howe did not intend to sail up the Hudson and attack Continental Forces in the upper Hudson Valley but his destination was Philadelphia.
5) General Howe finally moved his 17,000 strong force out of New Brunswick on June 13, 1777, against an estimated Continental army of 7,000-8,000 soldiers, encamped in the relative security of the Wachung Mountains at Middle Brook. The British officers had every expectation that after six months of inaction, they were marching to capture Philadelphia. However, to the confusion of both British and American officers, the British Army stopped, made camp and dug trenches and three earthen redoubts, as if expecting a frontal assault.
General Knox wrote, “It was unaccountable that people who the day before gave out in very gascondading terms that they would be in Philadelphia in six days should stop short when they had gone only nine miles. . . . In the course of a day or two [we] discovered that they had come out with the intention of drawing us into the plain.” (McGuire, pp. 36, 39.) Some of the British Officers disagreed with Howe’s entire strategy. “. . . the idea of offering these people battle is ridiculous; they have too much caution to risk everything on one action, or rather too much sense to engage an army double their numbers, superior in discipline, and who never make a show of fighting but upon the most advantageous ground. If we wish to conquer them we must attack him.” (McGuire, p. 39.)
After a few days of skirmishing and plundering of the surrounding areas by British and Hessian troops, the entire Army decamped and was back in New Brunswick by June 18th. John Adams wrote from Philadelphia, “We are under no more Apprehension here than if the British Army was in the Crimea.” The marauding troops “began to burn, plunder, and waste all before them.” (Drake, p. 45.) This in turn ignited the rage of the local population who flocked to join militias and engaged in raids, sniping and harassment of the main retreating British force. General Knox, in a letter to a friend wrote “Nothing could exceed the spirit shown on this occasion by the much injured people of the Jerseys.” They were “all fire, all revenge.” (Drake, p. 45.)
6) As the British retreated to Amboy, General Washington, who had initially moved his army from the winter camp at Morristown to Middlebrook to be in a better position if the British forces marched on Philadelphia, continued to follow the enemy. On the night of June 25, 1777, Howe ordered two columns to advance, one to attack General William Alexander’s (also known as Lord Stirling) forces of about 2,500 men and the other to get behind General Washington as his men advanced to support Lord Stirling’s troops, dug in on low lying hills. The 16th Light Dragoons were part of the flanking column. Their participation in the attack on Stirling’s fixed position is fictitious. (McGuire, pp. 53-55.)
General Howe’s plan to draw the American army out of the protection of the Wachung Mountains and force them to do battle on open terrain, almost worked. The proximity of the British Army to his, they were about two and half miles from the Continental Army’s headquarters in Quibbletown, caught Washington by surprise. He pulled his forces back into the mountains. Alexander Hamilton wrote: “It was judged prudent to return with the army to the mountains, lest it should be their (the British) intention to get into them and force us to fight them on their own terms.” (McGuire, p. 57)
Chapter 9 – An Independence Day Celebration 1) By the beginning of the American Revolution, with the influx over the prior decades of different immigrant groups of varied religions and ethnicities, the rise of a propertied class and the development of shipping, Philadelphia had ceased to be the tolerant, pacifist leaning, Quaker dominated City of Brotherly Love and instead had become a vibrant port and the political capital of the newly independent nation.
Robert Morris, one of the city’s most prominent citizens wrote: “You will consider Philadelphia, from its centrical situation, the extent of its commerce, the number of its artificers, manufactures and other circumstances, to be to the United States what the heart is to the human body in circulating the blood.”
The population was between 30,000 and 40,000 and before the war, the farms of Pennsylvania fed the port city flour and lumber, the chief exports. Philadelphia, the largest port in British North America, “had a large, rough, working-class population of dockworkers and laborers. . .Transportation of goods into and out of the city required porters, carters, draymen and teamsters- rough able-bodied characters who slaked their thirst at some of the more than 150 licensed taverns in the city. Others patronized illegal “tippling houses” or taprooms in the back alleys and waterfront areas, where ‘persons of evil name and fame and dishonest conversation’ were know to congregate, according to city court records.” (McGuire, p. 126.)
2) In May 1777, when General Knox was with the Army in Morristown and Lucy was staying with General Heath’s family in Sewell’s Point (now Brookline) outside of Boston, he responded to her letter in which she said she had not received a letter or word from her family by stating: “Though your parents are on the opposite side from your Harry, yet it’s very strange that it should divest them of humanity. Not a line! My God! What stuff is the human heart made of? Although father, mother, sister, and brother have forgotten you, yet, my love, your Harry will ever esteem you the best boon of Heaven.” (Noah Brooks, Henry Knox- A Soldier of the Revolution, p. 90.)
3) John Adams called it the “most genteel tavern in America.” It was the favorite meeting place of many members of the First Continental Congress. The City Tavern was built by subscription in 1773 at a cost of more than £3,000. On May 20th, 1774, over two hundred men gathered in the long gallery of the City Tavern to respond to the request for assistance from Bostonians against the British, following the passage of the Boston Port Bill. (Wikipedia, The City Tavern, Philadelphia.)
4) Strange as it seems, given the propaganda about Hessian atrocities and the angry, harsh and even violent reception of Hessian prisoners captured at Trenton when they were paraded through the streets of Philadelphia, the Hessian musicians became part of the social life of the city and performed for hire for Congress and others. Musicians were considered noncombatants “by the rules of eighteenthcentury warfare.” The list of prisoners taken at Trenton included ten oboe players, as distinguished from fifers and drummers. (McGuire, p. 342, note 8.)
The Hessian Band, “the most popular musical group” in Philadelphia, perhaps joined by some local musicians, provided the entertainment for the diners at the Independence Day celebration at City Tavern.
Congressman Thomas Burke, of North Carolina, who attended the dinner observed, that the Hessian musicians “performed very delightfully, the pleasure being not a little heightened by the reflection that they were hired by the British Court for purposes very different from those to which they were applied.” (McGuire, pp. 64-65.)
5) The Independence Day Parade took place on Second Street. There were two troops of cavalry from Maryland, horses drawn artillery and “about 1,000 North Carolina infantry who were en route to join Washington’s army in New Jersey.” One observer, was not that impressed with the infantry and wrote: “the troops paraded thro’ the streets with great pomp tho’ many of them were barefoot & looked very unhealthy.” (McGuire, p. 65)
I have not found any evidence that General Knox attended the Independence Day Celebrations or participated in the military parade. Since some artillery were part of the event, I have inserted General Knox, his officers and some men of the Massachusetts Artillery Regiment into the parade.
6) On June 9, 1777 during a severe thunderstorm, lightning struck the steeple of Christ Church, then the tallest structure i
n Philadelphia. “Gracing the point of the spire was a gilded crown, symbol of royal authority over this Anglican parish. The lighting bolt ‘carried away some part of the Ornaments of the Crown at the top of the rods.’” (McGuire, p.65.)
7) Not everyone approved of the lavish celebration. Connecticut Congressman William Williams criticized the waste of gunpowder as well as the excessive consumption of alcohol. Reverend Henry Muhlenberg also condemned the lavish displays and thought it invited Divine retribution. “The air was filed and shaken by artificial fireworks and thunderclaps. Empty skins were bloated with food and drinks of health. Houses with their artificial illumination outshone the moon and stars. . . In connection with all this it occurred to me in the words of the common saying, ‘The birds that sing early are easily caught by the cats.’” (McGuire, pp. 66-67.)
8) Quakers, like others living in the colonies, were forced to choose between allegiance to England and the King or the patriots, home and colony. “For Pennsylvania Quakers (members of the Society of Friends), decisions about whether to support or oppose the war were further complicated by the inherent conflict between two deeply held beliefs: their pacifist principles and their desire to protect and support the colony founded by William Penn. . . In September 1776, the largest organization of Quakers in America- the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting- formally directed its members to observe strict neutrality. This meant that Quakers should not vote or take oaths of loyalty to support either side, should not engage in combat or pay for a substitute (a not uncommon practice in that era) and should not pay taxes to support the war effort. (Karin A. Wulf, “Despise the mean Distinctions [these] Times Have Made:” The Complexity of Patriotism and Quaker Loyalism in One Pennsylvania Family,” revolution.h-net.msu.edu/ essays/wulf).
Wulf speculates that “the majority, torn by conflicting loyalties, sympathized with both sides. Many remained tacit Loyalists. . . Other Quakers renounced neutrality and actively sided with the Patriots. . . .[T]he perception among both Patriots and Loyalists was that Quakers could not be fully trusted. In the Delaware Valley, where for most of 1776 and 1777 first the British and then the Americans held sway, Quakers were punished by each side for their supposed allegiance to the other.” (Wulf, The Complexity of Patriotism and Quaker Loyalism in One Pennsylvania Family.)
The city magistrates of Philadelphia were aware of the possibility of mob violence on July 4, 1777. The town militia, wardens and watchmen were all instructed to prevent riots from 8 until 11 pm and “a Bellman be sent round to give notice to the inhabitants, that the Council do expressly order all the lights … be extinguished at Eleven O’Clock.” McGuire, p. 67.)
However, the presence or absence of candles in the windows indicated the occupants’ political preference- illuminated windows in patriots’ homes and windows without candles in the homes of loyalists, or Quakers who wished to remain neutral.
As a result, the celebrations at night included smashing darkened windows all over town, including the area “north of Market,” where many Quakers resided.
“In the Evening, the whole City (except Torry Houses whose Windows Paid for their Obstenacy) were Illuminated with Lights at every Window,” an observer wrote. Another stated, “I conclude much Tory unilluminated Glass will want replacing.” (McGuire, p. 67.)The Quakers on the receiving end of the riotous behavior were not so delighted. “We had 15 broken, N[icholas] Waln 14, T[homas] Wharton a good many more, and Uncle [James] Logan had 50 cracked & broken & all this for joy of having gained our liberty.” (McGuire, p.68.)
Chapter 10 - A Death Wish and A Close Encounter 1) On August 29, 1777, after Howe’s army landed at Head of Elk, Maryland on the Chesapeake Bay, Washington ordered the formation of a “corps of light infantry. . . , made up of 700 chosen marksmen, 100 each from the Continental brigades, and supplemented with more than 1,000 militia from Delaware and Pennsylvania,” with Brigadier General William Maxwell in command. (McGuire, pp.143-144.)
2) Savage plundering by regular troops and stragglers was not limited to Hessians. In fact, it was a British soldier who amputated a woman’s fingers to get at her rings.
“A soldier of ours was yesterday taken by the enemy beyond our lines, who had chopped off an unfortunate woman’s fingers in order to plunder her of her rings” (McGuire, p. 147.) Plunderers caught by the Americans were hung with their plunder upon their backs as a warning to others. (McGuire, p.147.)
3) Washington deliberately spaced the regiments and artillery, in some cases 100, 150 or 200 yards between units, so that the troops extended for ten miles as they paraded through the city. His purpose was to impress upon those who thought the Rebel Army weak and decimated, that it was in fact a fighting force to be reckoned with.
“I am induced to do this from the opinion of Several of my Officers and many Friends in Philadelphia, that it may have some influence on the minds of the disaffected there and those who are Dupes to their artifices and opinions.” (McGuire, p. 130.)
The eight thousand strong army were accompanied by four hundred field musicians and took more than two hours to pass through the city. John Adams observed the parade and wrote to Abigail: “They don’t hold up their Heads, quite erect, nor turn out their Toes, so exactly as they ought. They don’t all of them cock their Hats- and such as do, don’t all wear them the same Way.” (McGuire, p. 131.)
The lack of straight lines and orderly parade steps that caught John Adams’ eye, may have been the least of it. According to another historian, “[The] troops were not only insufficiently clothed but there were practically no uniforms and the pitiful expedient was adopted of having each man in the ranks wear a sprig of green in his hat to give a touch of uniformity as the army marched through Philadelphia. . . The baggage and camp followers which would have ruined whatever little effect the nondescript equipment could produce, were not permitted to move through the city with the troops but were sent around it.” (John C. Fitzpatrick, “George Washington Himself,” pp. 303-304.)
4) Hunger was a constant companion of the soldiers of the Continental Army. Rations of one pound of flour and one pound of beef were usually short on the flour and always for the beef. A typical experience for the soldier continually marching, fighting, and marching again was described by Private Martin following one battle as follows: “I now had to travel the rest of the day, after marching all the day and night before and fighting all the morning [a distance of about twenty four miles.] I had eaten nothing since the noon of the preceding day, nor did I eat a morsel till the forenoon of the next day, and I needed rest as much as victuals. . . . I was tormented by thirst all the morning, fighting being warm work; but after the retreat commenced I found simple means to satisfy my thirst. ‘I could drink at the brook’ but I could not ‘bite at the bank.’” (J.P. Martin, ‘Private Yankee Doodle Dandy,” pp. 74-75.)
5) As a result of some “reputable” civilians of Wilmington lodging complaints for plundering and worse against a regiment of American soldiers, Washington wrote the commander ordering him return to Wilmington. “If any of the people who have been injured can point out the particular Persons, either Officers or Soldiers, they shall be made examples of.” (McGuire, p. 148.)
On September 4, 1777, the Commander-in-Chief stated in the General Orders: “Notwithstanding all the cautions, the earnest requests, and the positive orders of the Commander in Chief, to prevent our own army from plundering our own friends and fellow citizens, yet to his astonishment and grief, fresh complaints are made to him, that so wicked, infamous and cruel a practice is still continued. . . [T] he Commander in Chief requires, that these orders be distinctly read to all the troops; and that the officers of every rank, take particular pains, to convince the men, of the baseness, and fatal tendency of the practices complained of; and that their own safety depends on a contrary conduct, and an exact observance of order and discipline; . . .the Commander in Chief most solemnly assures all, that he will have no mercy on offenders against these orders; their lives shall pay the forfeit of their crimes
. Pity under such circumstances, would be the height of cruelty.” (McGuire, pp. 148-149.)
6) The British Grenadiers were perhaps the most formidable of the British Regiments. They were elite troops and were the tallest soldiers in the army. Their bearskin fur caps added a foot to their height. They were awesome and their approach was a mixture of pageantry and mesmerizing lethalness. McGuire described the 1,200 Grenadiers beginning their attack as follows: “The senior drum major inverted his mace and raised it vertically to his chest, upon which the drummers silently lifted both sticks horizontally to their nostrils, waiting for the word of command. ‘GRENADIERS!’ bellowed through the ranks. ‘By battalions!’ The drum major raised his mace high. ‘To the FRONT!. . .QUI-I-CK. . .MARCH!’ Mace and drumsticks dropped in one crisp motion, and a visceral thunder of drums rumbled out . . . [They advanced with] muskets at the shoulder and flags streaming, the battalions swaying rhythmically forward. . . the late-afternoon sun glinting from hundreds of bayonets and musket barrels in double ranks.” (McGuire, pp. 210-211.)
They marched into battle to the fifers playing their Regimental song- “The British Grenadiers.” The soldiers may have even sung it as they advanced, adding more menace to their approach. The front plates of their bearskin caps, above the lion and British Crown, bore the Latin motto “Nec Aspera Terrent- Hardship does not deter us.”
The Colonel of the 1st Battalion of Grenadiers in his speech to them before they began the assault said: “Grenadiers, put on your caps; for damn’d fighting and drinking I’ll match you against the world!” (McGuire, p. 210-211.)
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