Technical knowledge remained largely with the guilds, where the sons of craftsmen were trained in hereditary trades. These centres had little general interaction with formal institutions of learning, but in specific categories of knowledge there appears to have been an exchange. The study of mathematics would have provided a bridge between the two types of education, and not surprisingly this was an intensely active period in the diffusion of mathematical knowledge. Arab scholars mention that mathematical knowledge from India was more advanced than what they had retrieved from Greek sources. Numerals had been in use for some time. They were later introduced to the European world as Arabic numerals, the Arabs having borrowed them from India, as is evident from the name they used for them – Hindasa. These were to replace Roman numerals. The decimal place-value system was in regular use among Indian mathematicians, and the earliest inscription using the zero dates to the seventh century, indicating that its use was familiar. The development of what came to be called algebra was also introduced to the Arabs.
Interest in medicine triggered off a tangential interest in alchemy. This became essential to a variety of experimental forms of knowledge, relating not only to the study of material substances, but to those with an influence on religious beliefs concerning the transmutation of mind and matter. Alchemy was examined in some detail by the Chinese and is an area where Indian information on the subject was valuable.
A notable feature of intellectual life had been the lively philosophical debates among various thinkers across the spectrum, from Buddhism to Brahmanism. Gradually, the debates focused on well-defined philosophical systems, of which six are generally counted. Although these had their origin in the philosophical thinking of a period earlier than that of the Guptas and continued into a later period, some of their cardinal principles were enunciated at this time. Nyaya/Analysis, based on logic, was often used in debates with Buddhist teachers who prided themselves on their advanced knowledge and use of logic. Vaisheshika/Particular Characteristics argued that the universe was created from a number of atoms, but these were distinct from the soul, therefore there were separate universes of matter and soul. Sankhya/Enumeration, essentially atheistic, drew on what were enumerated as the twenty-five principles which gave rise to creation. The dualism between matter and soul was recognized. Sankhya philosophers supported the theory that the three qualities of virtue, passion and dullness, correctly balanced, constituted normality. This was perhaps the influence of the theory of humours current in the medical knowledge of the time. Yoga/Application maintained that a perfect control over the body and the senses was a prelude to knowledge of the ultimate reality. Anatomical knowledge was necessary to the advancement of yoga and therefore those practising yoga had to keep in touch with medical knowledge. Mimamsa/ Inquiry, developed from the view that the source of brahmanical strength, the Vedas, was being neglected, and its supporters emphasized the ultimate law of the Vedas and refuted the challenge of post-Vedk thought. Vedanta/End of the Vedas was decisive in refuting the theories of non-brahamanical schools, particularly in later centuries when it gained currency. Vedanta also claimed origin in the Vedas and posited the existence of the Absolute Soul in all things, the final purpose of existence being the union of the individual soul with the Universal Soul after physical death.
These were not schools of thought that developed in isolation, for they included discussions and refutations of each other’s view and of other schools and sects. One of the methods required in any discussion was almost a simulation of the dialectical method. A proposition was stated with arguments supporting it, followed by a detailed rebuttal, or the negative formulation was stated first and then rebutted, and finally an assessment was made of both, although a consensus was optional. Not only was this a logical procedure, but the weight of philosophical perceptions seems to have favoured openness to ideas and debate, even where some of this discussion led to agnosticism, or possibly even atheism. Clearly, philosophical thinking was not isolated from the new systems of knowledge being debated. At this stage, only the last two schools were essentially metaphysical, the first four maintaining a strong link with empirical analysis. The focus on Nyaya was given prominence, in pan because it had been central to many schools of Buddhist philosophy. The debates among philosophers of logic continued from century to century. Yet in modern times Vedanta was given maximum attention, to the point of being projected as the dominant philosophical school in pre-modern India. The period of the Vedas was now sufficiently remote for them to be routinely cited as the authority derived from divine origin, as the arbiters of priestly knowledge and sanction, even if this was largely formulaic. Invoking the Vedas did not require that the text conform to Vedic knowledge, for it could also be a way of seeking legitimation.
The new systems of knowledge that contributed to the label of classicism were not arbitrary activities. They arose from various preconditions, among which were the continuing confrontations between orthodoxies and heterodoxies, and the articulation of philosophical scepticism. The strength of relying on careful observation is demonstrated by the accuracy of various theories in astronomy arrived at without the help of a telescope. In many such theories, for instance the discussion on the cause of eclipses, rationality was at a premium among scholars, even if others did not dismiss mythological explanations. The cultivation of astrology is not surprising, since it was a predictable response by those opposed to the logical foundations of knowledge. The world-view of Vedic Brahmanism was being superseded by new formulations, in some of which the imprint of debates with Buddhist and other philosophers was apparent. The counterpoint of orthodoxy and heterodoxy was not limited to religious belief, but pervaded many areas of knowledge.
Inevitably, astronomy and mathematics encouraged an interest in time and cosmology. Time, in a cosmological context, was viewed as cyclic and there were at least two views of cyclic time, both involving a leap of imagination. The more commonly known was the theory of the mahayuga, and the one used less frequently was that of the manvantara, although the two were sometimes merged. The cycle was called a kalpa and was equivalent to 4,310,000 human years. According to the second of these theories, the cycle has fourteen manvantaras separated by lengthy intervals and at the end of each the universe is recreated and ruled by Manu (primeval man). At the moment we are in the seventh of these fourteen periods of the present cycle. Each of these is divided into 71+ mahayugas (great cycles).
The other form of reckoning is numerically neater, where the great cycle, the mahayuga, is divided into four yugas or periods of time, each again a cycle and, barring the first, named after the throw of dice – Krita, Treta, Dvapara and Kali. The yugas contain respectively 4,800, 3,600, 2,400 and 1,200 divine years. Their equivalence to human years requires multiplication by 360. The decline is by arithmetic progression, and is accompanied by a similar decline in the quality of life. We are now in the fourth of these yugas, the Kaliyuga or ‘the age of the losing throw’, said to have begun at a date equivalent to 3102 BC, and this is a time when the world is full of evil and wickedness. Thus the end of the world is by comparison imminent, though there are several millennia yet before the end!
The latter part of the Kaliyuga is characterized by the absence of the social norms laid down in the Dharmashastras, and by the lower castes usurping the status of the upper castes. The world turns upside down and this becomes an explanation for reversals of the norms at any point of time. The unexpected is explained as due to these reversals. Since the world is now in the Kaliyuga, its characteristics are repeated throughout the centuries and become a metaphor among those for whom the present is viewed as bad times. The world awaits the coming of Kalkin, the tenth incarnation of Vishnu who will reinstate the norms. Cyclic time was also a convenient context for the theory of rebirth.
Long spans of time were needed for theoretical calculations in astronomy and mathematics and long spans were more easily visualized as cyclic. But this was not the only form in which time was projected. The linear
form was used in recounting the past or making historical claims related to the present. The Puranas gave importance to what they claimed were genealogies of heroes and dynasties from the past. The generations listed, whether actual or fictional, conformed to linear time. The term vamsha, used for genealogical descent, is the word for bamboo or cane, where each segment grows out of a node. It was an appropriate analogy for reckoning time in generations. The use of regnal years to begin with, and later of eras, was a further indication of linear time. It would seem therefore that cyclic and linear time were both used, with the first sometimes enveloping the second, but that the historical and social function of each differed.
Creative Literature
Much creative literature of this period became the source of studies of dramaturgy, poetry and literary theory in the subsequent period. Some would date the famous Natya-shastra of Bharata – a foundational treatise on dance, drama and poetry – to these times, suggesting its catalytic role. Literary criticism was soon to explore the interface between sound and meaning, mood and evocation, some of which were seminal to the discussion on the theory of rasa, where one of the arguments was that the quality of creativity can be related to the manner in which it evokes a reaction.
Poetry and prose in Sanskrit were largely the literature of the elite, the court, the aristocracy, the urban rich and those associated with such circles. Kalidasa was an extraordinary poet and dramatist whose work augmented the prestige of the language and was echoed in many later poetic forms. Meghaduta (Cloud Messenger) was his long lyrical poem, meshing landscape and emotion. His play Abhijnana-shakuntala, regarded as an exemplar in Sanskrit drama by literary critics, was to be widely discussed both in Sanskrit literary theory, and later throughout Europe, with its impact on German Romanticism. There was a blaze of creative literature in Sanskrit just after Kalidasa: Bharavi’s Kiratarjuniya, Magha’s Shishupalavadha and the Bhattikavya, among others, and somewhat later Bhavabhuti’s Malati-Madhava. These drew on epic themes or familiar narratives that were treated in courtly style and subjected to literary virtuosity of many kinds. The more erotic poetry was that of Bhartrihari and Amaru. Plays continued to be romantic comedies in the main, tragic themes being avoided, since the purpose of the theatre was to entertain. The Mrichchha-katika (The Little Clay Cart) by Shudraka provides glimpses of urban life. Vishakhadatta chose to dramatize past political events in his Mudrarakshasha, a play on the Mauryan overthrow of the Nanda King, and in Devi-chandra-gupta, on the bid for power by Chandra Gupta II. There are elements of court intrigue in both, but these are significantly different and suggest his sensitivity to changing historical contexts.
The fables of the Panchatantra, written to educate a young prince in the ways of the world, were elaborated in various versions and travelled west through translations. Subandhu’s Vasavadatta claims renown for its literary quality. Bana’s Harshacharita was quoted as a model of both biography and Sanskrit prose, and his fantasy narrative Kadambari has such an involved plot that one almost loses track of the narrative. Literary criticism came into its own in the writings of Bhamaha. A striking feature of this intense creativity in literary forms is that the essential concern is not with projecting religious ideas, as some modern commentators maintain, but with reflecting on human behaviour even if only of segments of society. The historical context is largely that of the royal court, although some would argue that the court is a metaphor.
Classical Sanskrit became popular as the language of the chancellery, through its being the language of the court and through inscriptions. It was therefore different from the language of ritual, and had earlier been recognized as such by grammarians. The dominance of Sanskrit, however, dates to the Gupta period and continued until about the early second millennium AD, after which the regional languages were widely used. In Turkish and Mughal times the court language was Persian. The hegemony of Sanskrit was political and cultural and enjoyed the patronage of the elite. But the local languages and cultures were not abandoned. They can be glimpsed in the use of Prakrit in various contexts, such as the elements of some inscriptions and in the languages of religious sects. The Natya-shastra lists a number of languages and dialects, even after setting aside those spoken by members of the lower castes and chandalas. Since the latter worked for the upper castes there must have been some degree of bilingualism. The upper castes, it is said, should avoid Prakrit because it is the language of the mlechchha and of the populace. The differentiation between high culture and popular local culture was recognized in the gradual adoption of distinctive terms for each – marga, literally the path, for the former, and deshi, literally the region, for the latter. Sanskrit also became the language of the scholastic tradition, and doubtless the patronage to brahmans and to Buddhist monasteries encouraged this.
In addition to Sanskrit, literature in Prakrit (more closely related to popular speech than Sanskrit) also had its patronage outside the court circle. Prakrit literature associated with Jaina texts tended to be more didactic in style. The Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri, a Jaina version of the Rama story, is remarkable not only for presenting different views from those of Valmiki, but also for reiterating the function of the epic form as popular literature. A notable feature in the Sanskrit plays of this period is that the high-status characters speak Sanskrit, whereas those of low or ambiguous social status, and all the women, speak Prakrit. Status and gender were linked to language.
Architecture, Art and Patronage
Only a few, small examples of temple architecture have survived from this period. The stock answer to temples being in ruins is that the iconoclasm of the Muslims five centuries later destroyed them. But the Gupta-period temples were unlikely to have attracted attention, the architecture still being in a formative stage. Apart from its religious affiliation, the temple was not yet perceived as a statement of political power or as a repository of wealth, and was therefore not a prime target for attack. Artistically and aesthetically, the most stunning achievements were the rock-cut Buddhist caves, particularly at Ajanta and Ellora. These were the inspiration for the later Vaishnava and Shaiva rock-cut temples at Ellora, Elephanta and Aurangabad. The latter were perhaps less statements of power than statements of faith, and they did not experience iconoclasm.
Some Buddhist stupas were newly built, as in Sind; others were renovated as at Samath. Activity in Orissa resulted in continued building of Buddhist stupas and monasteries, the most impressive being those at Lalitagiri, Ratnagiri and Udayagiri, which clearly reflected patronage by the rulers and merchants. Buddhist monasteries and chaityas at Ajanta and Ellora are cut into a ravine and a hillside. The caves at Ajanta were decorated with sculpture, and some contained mural paintings depicting the life of the Buddha, the Jataka stories and other familiar narratives, that in effect provide a visual representation of contemporary life. The cross-section of society seemingly stepping out from the walls is complementary to the scenes earlier sculpted in bâs-relief at stupa sites. The quality of realism in these murals evokes in a remarkable way the joie de vivre of daily activities, as well as reflections on the human condition, and yet they are enveloped in a style both elegant and aesthetically pleasing.
Literary references to painting are frequent, and it was widely appreciated as an accomplishment. The aesthetic quality emanating from these cave shrines leaves the early Shaiva and Vaishnava temples looking rather pale by comparison. The most impressive artistic achievements of this period lie in Buddhist art and the patronage that accompanies it. Ajanta epitomized its finest stylistic quality in painting and, although it might have been politically influenced by the Vakataka-Gupta sphere, it effectively represented Buddhist art rooted in the peninsula.
The earliest temples were single cells housing the image, as at Sanchi. Such temples form the nucleus at Aihole, Tigowa, Bhumara, Nachna Kothara, Ladh Khan and Deogarh, among others. In some cases the site was an existing sacred place, for example, at Aihole where there are megalithic burials in the vicinity. Early temples at Chezarla
and Ter in the peninsula, with an apsidal plan and ambulatory path, are thought to have been Buddhist chaityas that were converted into temples. The use of existing sacred space by newly evolving religions is well known, and could be the result of a gradual conversion of the site or a forced change. When temples began to receive grants of land for their maintenance, this became a major source of finance for the temple. Worship in such temples was generally of Puranic deities – Vishnu, Shiva, Parvati, Durga and Varaha. The Dashavatara temple at Deogarh is, as the name implies, among the earliest dedicated to the incarnations of Vishnu.
The architecture of the Shaiva and Vaishnava temples was constructed around the sanctum cella, the garbha-griha – literally the womb-house, or the room in which the image of the deity was placed. In the small temples the entrance to this was through a porch. There is a certain correlation therefore between the image and where it is housed. The expansion of the temple required that the room housing the image be approached through a vestibule, which in turn was entered from a hall that opened on to a porch. This was surrounded by an enclosed courtyard, which later housed a further complex of shrines.
The Buddhists in the Deccan continued to excavate rock-cut chaityas and the Vaishnavas, Shaivas and Jainas imitated these in later centuries, often excavating temples adjacent to the Buddhist caves. Temples that were freestanding and not rock-cut were generally built in stone (although there is an early brick temple at Bhitargaon) and stone became the medium for the increasingly monumental style. The preference for freestanding temples was partly due to their being built in areas without convenient hillsides and appropriate rock to cut caves, but it was also because the expansion of the temple was inhibited when it was cut into rock. Gradually, the image came to be surrounded by a host of attendant deities and figures, leading to the rich sculptural ornamentation associated with later styles.
The Penguin History of Early India Page 46
