In his official report, Taylor praised Davis: Cooper, 155.
When the general came by to visit: Allen, 155.
In an overtly political letter: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 162.
Davis wrote to let her know: Cooper, 163.
He accused Davis of trying “to crush”: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 229–30.
By withdrawing from the Union, the South had “merely”: Dew, 13.
Thomas Jefferson and other Founders had believed: Dew, 14.
He was sure that Anderson, as a Kentucky slave owner: J. Davis, I, 184.
A showdown had been averted then only because the ship: Allen, 251.
At 3:20 on the morning of April 12, 1861: J. Davis, I, 248.
“We have the honor to inform you”: J. Davis, I, 248.
As Confederate hopes spiraled downward: Dodd, 346.
When Davis caught up with his wife’s party: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 635.
Then, before dawn, a former slave: J. Davis, II, 594.
He would put his hand under the man’s boot: J. Davis, II, 595.
Watching them slip off, Davis endorsed their decision: J. Davis, II, 596.
CHAPTER 4. PINCKNEY BENTON STEWART PINCHBACK (1865)
When the speaker finished, the white commander: Beatty, 73.
And in Washington, a fugitive slave: Foner, Reconstruction, 1.
The New York Times joined in the rejoicing: Foner, Reconstruction, 2.
First, though, Pinchback took Eliza to Philadelphia: Haskins, 3.
Lighter even than his mother: Haskins, 6.
For different reasons, neither of them took to formal: Haskins, 7.
Eliza Stewart learned from the major’s executor: Haskins, 9.
Landing a job on a riverboat: Haskins, 12.
Stories circulated later about the risks: Haskins, 16.
But after many affairs, he fell in love: Haskins, 17.
“I nearly fainted in court”: Haskins, 22.
His stand provoked the wrath: Nolan, 31.
“Whoever employed by this corporation”: Nolan, 34.
“As God lives and I live”: Nolan, 34.
“I think no man has won more”: Nolan, 76.
“That is frank, that is fair,” Lincoln answered: Nolan, 92.
Light-skinned, often wealthy, more at ease: Foner, Reconstruction 47.
He ordered a reeking canal cleansed: Nolan, 163.
When a group of city matrons ostentatiously: Nolan 178.
“When any female shall, by word, gesture”: Nolan, 177.
Southerners next accused him of confiscating: Allen, 342.
Butler admitted later that he had been frightened: Nolan, 159.
With that hanging, Butler became detested: J. Davis, II, 242.
He followed up his flouting of the Fugitive Slave Law: Nolan, 192.
The other officers were “inimical to me”: Haskins, 25.
He appealed to a basic sense of fairness: Haskins, 27.
In speeches, he praised Benjamin Butler: Haskins, 30.
As long ago as 1861, Wade had written to a friend: Hendrick, 277–78.
Lincoln described to a friend: Trefousse, Wade, 204–5.
the Wade-Davis manifesto, which appeared: Document, From Revolution to Reconstruction, University of Groninger, The Netherlands, 1994.
That night, to Butler’s great surprise: Nolan, 223.
Butler, however, could point to the fact: Nolan, 272.
“If this temporary failure succeeds”: Nolan, 320.
“General Butler certainly gave his very earnest”: U. S. Grant, Memoirs, 426.
“Butler’s greater intellect overshadowed Grant”: Nolan, 326.
But he also made clear that it was “only”: Foner, Reconstruction, 49.
He calculated that since the Emancipation Proclamation: Goodwin, 548.
Before he could apply for an interview: Haskins, 32.
By autumn, however, Pinchback’s impatience: Haskins, 38.
On March 3, 1865, President Lincoln signed: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 221.
“I do not believe it is necessary to secure”: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 222.
CHAPTER 5. ANDREW JOHNSON (1865)
Right up to Election Day, he had been apprehensive: Goodwin, 664.
“Damn the Negroes,” Johnson said: Andrew Johnson, Encyclopedia Brittanica.
“Whenever you hear a man prating”: Harris, 430.
“A loyal Negro,” Johnson said: Patton, 126.
“I’m not well,” Johnson complained: Stewart, 8.
As a boy named for Andrew Jackson: McKitrick, 86.
“Some day,” he vowed, “I will show”: McKitrick, 87.
Gideon Welles was nearly spared: Means, 90.
“I kiss this book in the face”: Means, 91.
“Both read the same Bible”: Goodwin, 698.
Mary Lincoln, not always the most obliging: Goodwin, 700.
“O, was it not a glorious sight”: Means, 94.
Charles Sumner lamented the “frightful”: Sumner, Letters, II, 272, n.4.
Johnson’s letter to the Senate’s recorder: Means, 95.
To the comptroller of the currency, the president said: Means, 95.
When she died on June 21: J. M. Taylor, 247.
In Washington, however, the earlier protests: J. M. Taylor, 251.
The Yankees had left him “one inestimable”: Trowbridge, 577.
Johnson issued a sweeping amnesty: Johnson, Papers, vol. 8, 129–30.
But when Johnson appointed William Holden: McKitrick, 7.
For Charles Sumner, the question of voting: Donald, Sumner, II, 219.
“There is no difference between us”: Donald, Sumner, II, 220.
Asking for full restoration of his rights: Johnson, Papers, 8, 232.
In Washington, a young actress named Ella Starr: Guttridge, 153.
“He told me that his name was Boyd”: Guttridge, 177.
They also uncovered a letter from Samuel Arnold: Weichmann, 181.
“Before God, I do not know this man”: Weichmann, 186.
“I know you,” Bell exclaimed: Weichmann, 187.
New York senator Edwin Morgan: Johnson, Papers, 8, 135.
He and Andrew Johnson had been personal and political foes: Dodd, 362.
Since Secretary of War Stanton had left Davis’s treatment: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 643.
As one newspaper put it, “a peal of inextinguishable”: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 646.
By August, the prisoner’s health had improved: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 647.
If he were released eventually, he was determined: W. Davis, Jefferson Davis, 649.
“You should be governed by the opinions”: Chamlee, 232.
Powell was also the male defendant: Steers, 30.
Samuel Arnold and Michael O’Laughlen came off better: Steers, 30.
George Atzerodt, as a German foreigner: Steers, 30.
Observers were puzzled by Dr.Samuel Mudd: Steers, 30.
None of the men in the courtroom: Steers, 30.
As the trial proceeded, a grand jury in the District: Chamlee, 353.
During the forty-eight days of testimony: Steers, 35.
David Herold was the first to be sentenced: Chamlee, 436–38.
The prospect of hanging a women: Chamlee, 441.
In any case, the new president might have balked: Chamlee, 444.
One heavily veiled woman: Chamlee, 461.
John Surratt, unwilling to jeopardize his sanctuary: Chamlee, 467–68.
Powell said, “You know best, Captain”: Chamlee, 471.
With the spectacle ended, the crowd moved out: Chamlee, 474.
CHAPTER 6. OLIVER OTIS HOWARD (1865)
Custis Lee—whose father, Robert E. Lee: Carpenter, 8.
He described them as “full of gas”: Carpenter, 9.
When the preacher called for sinners: Carpenter, 17.
When Major General Phil Kearny, who had lost: Carpe
nter, 33.
Then, in an unexpected reversal, Howard’s name: Carpenter, 63–64.
“I anticipated a real pleasure in serving”: Carpenter, 81.
The New York Times praised the selection: McFeely, 9.
Now her father described Howard as “of all men”: McFeely, 9.
Beecher envisioned Howard carrying: McFeely, 87.
Sherman had already warned Howard: McFeely, 18.
Given the expectations for the bureau: Foner, Reconstruction, 143.
In the war’s earliest days, when Ulysses Grant: Bentley, 21.
As thousands of former slaves followed Sherman: Bentley, 45.
To his wife, Howard wrote that “the negroes”: Carpenter, 93.
He expected enlightened Southerners: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 224.
Howard expected his assistant commissioners: Farmer-Kaiser, 25.
Saxton decreed that a wife who left her husband: Farmer-Kaiser, 25.
In appointing his first ten assistants: Carpenter, 97.
Major General George Hartsuff had been a cadet: Bentley, 57.
Eaton had commandeered the estate of Jefferson Davis: Bentley, 55.
They would be working out of a Washington townhouse: McFeely, 65.
hordes of black men roamed the desolate landscape: Stewart, 27–28.
White lawmakers in South Carolina decreed: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 168.
In North Carolina, orphans were sent to work: Fitzgerald, 33.
Florida law made either disobedience or “impudence”: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 167–68.
For months, some slaves had gone on: Peirce, 133, cites Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction (Washington, 1866), 186.
One South Carolinian predicted that they would perish: Stewart, 30.
But Grant said that conversations with bureau: Peirce, 57.
“Arson is a crime, robbery is a crime”: Schurz, Autobiography, III, ch. vi.
He had struck up a conversation with a well-spoken: Schurz, Autobiography, III, ch. vi.
“Dead Negroes were found in considerable numbers”: Stewart, 31.
Its language had been kept deliberately cloudy: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 158.
Oliver Howard considered education to be the major answer: Bentley, 63.
“What? For niggers?” he demanded: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 637.
At the war’s end, fewer than 150,000: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 638.
He noted that the races were still segregated: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 643.
But in Mississippi, black men who donated money: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 647.
One white teacher arriving in Adams County: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 647.
Thomas Conway, Oliver Howard’s appointee in Louisiana, warned: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 647.
As the bureau’s assistant for South Carolina: McFeely, 97.
The plantations on those Atlantic islands: McFeely, 40.
Saxton wrote to Howard that the former slaves were owed: Cimbala, 52.
“The pardon of the President will not be understood”: McFeely, 105.
CHAPTER 7. THADDEUS STEVENS (1865–1866)
At the core of their dispute, Lincoln had seemed: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 207.
When Sumner heard of Lincoln’s assassination: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 216.
But the meeting went well: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 220.
The president had appointed as governor: Means, 202.
This was “inconsistent with what he said to me”: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 223.
To meet the demand, Johnson was at work: Means, 224.
McLean pronounced his white neighbors “well satisfied”: Johnson, Papers, vol. 8, 316.
“I write,” he confided to a friend: Trefousse, Stevens, 164.
“I am sure you will pardon me”: Meltzer, 168.
At the war’s end, prominent Confederates could hope: Brodie, 220, quotes The Nation on the Southern mood.
Once seated, Stephens would be joined in Congress by four Confederate generals: Meltzer, 169; released from prison in Boston Harbor, Means, 224.
For two and a half hours, the president sidestepped: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 238.
Lately, Stevens had asked Sumner to recommend: Trefousse, Stevens, 170.
Their father, a failed farmer and part-time shoemaker: Brodie, 23–24.
“Manifest contempt, Your Honor?”: Meltzer, 17.
Stevens was approached by a slave owner: Hoch, 20.
“The next president,” Stevens said: Trefousse, Stevens, 14; Brodie, 33.
Neighbors in Gettysburg heard that Stevens took a hatchet: Meltzer, 21.
“He is a happy man who has one true friend”: Hoch, 27.
“I never stand aside for a skunk”: Brodie, 95.
The infant died at nine weeks: Brodie, 96.
Whatever their relationship became: Brodie, 88.
One scandal had arisen: Brodie, 33–41.
He was not so lewd as Henry Clay: Brodie, 91.
Hearing those words, Stevens said: Brodie, 112–13.
“Preach the Gospel,” he said, “but don’t attempt”: Brodie, 55.
Four years later, Stevens stood for Congress: Trefousse, Stevens, 77.
He contrasted New York and Pennsylvania with Virginia: Trefousse, Stevens, 80.
He offered only tepid support to the presidential nominee: Trefousse, Stevens, 94.
When Stevens was nominated for Congress: Trefousse, Stevens, 96.
With secession looming, Stevens attacked: Trefousse, Stevens, 107.
Better, he added, to let the entire region: Trefousse, Stevens, 112.
Stevens had kept a straight face: Brodie, 145.
And when Lincoln asked Stevens whether: Brodie, 148.
When the president announced that emancipation: Brodie, 159.
But the president backed away from supporting Stevens: Brodie, 166.
“Treason must be made infamous”: Means, 117.
He considered The Nation, a fledgling New York weekly: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 228.
If “the colored people of the South”: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 231.
“The infernal laws of slavery”: Korngold, 303.
Because he was reading Darwin’s Origin: Trefousse, Stevens, 190.
As he read the roll, McPherson omitted the Southerners’: Stewart, 43.
Looking ahead twelve days to the expected ratification: Johnson, Papers, vol. 9, 474.
But on this day, Johnson’s target: McKitrick, 146.
Now at last, he predicted, the Confederate South: Johnson, Papers, vol. 9, 475.
“In less than twenty days”: Johnson, Papers, vol. 9, 600 note.
“The moment the insurrection was terminated”: Korngold, 301.
Lulled by their sense of relief: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 272.
“Freedom is not simply the principle to live”: Brodie, 260.
Now Johnson, facing the first test: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 274.
One Delaware senator used the debate: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 274.
“The talk about his health is ridiculous”: J. M. Taylor, 257, cites Welles, Diaries, vol. 3, 4–5.
Seward wrote a veto message: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 272.
The president wrote the final salvo himself: Stewart, 50.
Back then, Stevens said, he had waited them out: Brodie, 253.
The most unlikely tribute used bookbinding as a metaphor: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 277.
Speaking at Cooper Union, Seward dismissed: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 277.
Instead, the president listed several of his Confederate: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 279.
Grieving prematurely over his own martyrdom: Stewart, 52.
Senator William Fessenden of Maine had been able to work: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 24
8.
His detestation became so great: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 253.
“No more states with inequality of rights!”: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 259.
CHAPTER 8. THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT (1866)
A friend of Thaddeus Stevens had sent him an item: Brodie, 262.
Witnesses quoted him as calling, “Boys”: Brodie, 266.
“I said we were not that sort of women” D. Sterling, 161.
Two weeks after the bloodshed, the Tennessee: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 574.
In an early version, the amendment would forbid: Trefousse, Stevens, 184.
“I must do my duty, without looking”: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 262.
Since he had introduced very similar legislation: Stewart, 37.
“Show me a creature, with lifted countenance”: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 246.
Stevens took consolation in reminding himself: Trefousse, Stevens, 186.
Glib, charming, and only twenty-three, Warmouth: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 461–63.
In disguises and carrying brass knuckles: Brodie, 273; Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 465.
Anthony Dostie, a dentist from New York: Sterling, 93.
“Gentlemen!” he cried, “I beseech you to stop”: Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, 1998, 465.
“God damn you! Not one of you will escape”: Brodie, 278.
A white spectator told later of a young white man: Brodie, 279.
“There is little doubt,” he wrote in his diary: Brodie, 280.
But the massacre had horrified the country: Brodie, 280.
“My experience,” he wrote, trying to buck up: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 265.
He gave a hint in a letter to Henry Longfellow: Sumner, Letters, II, 373.
Encountering a Boston man who favored: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 270.
The day that the Thirteenth Amendment: Brodie, 204.
Senator Fessenden watched with disbelief: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 271.
He inherited sixty-five thousand dollars: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 272.
After they married and she had come to deplore: Dictionary of Unitarian and Universalist Biography.
Sumner did, however, warn his fiancée: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 274.
He added, “I write this gaily, & yet”: Sumner, Letters, II, 382.
By October 17, 1866, Sumner had thrown off his doubts: Donald, Sumner . . . Rights, 274.
Fifty-two postmasters and more than sixteen hundred: Stewart, 62.
“It does not become radicals like us”: Trefousse, Stevens, 198.
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