To destroy any part of the community, while it is in our power to preserve the whole, is certainly absurd, and inconsistent with the equity and tenderness of a good government: and what is slavery less than destruction? What greater calamity has that man to expect, who has been already deprived of his liberty, and reduced to a level with thieves and murderers? With what spirit, sir, will he draw his sword upon his invaders, who has nothing to defend? Or why should he repel the injuries which will make no addition to his misery, and will fall only on those to whom he is enslaved?
It is well known that gratitude is the foundation of our duty to our country, and to our superiours, whom we are obliged to protect upon some occasions, because, upon others, we receive protection from them, and are maintained in the quiet possession of our fortunes, and the security of our lives. But what gratitude is due to his country from a man distinguished, without a crime, by the legislature, from the rest of the people, and marked out for hardships and oppressions? From a man who is condemned to labour and to danger, only that others may fatten with indolence, and slumber without anxiety? From a man who is dragged to misery without reward, and hunted from his retreat, as the property of his master?
Where gratitude, sir, is not the motive of action, which may easily happen in minds not accustomed to observe the ends of government, and relations of society, interest never fails to preside, which may be distinguished from gratitude, as it regards the immediate consequences of actions, and confines the view to present advantages. But what interest can be gratified by a man who is not master of his own actions, nor secure in the enjoyment of his acquisitions? Why should he be solicitous to increase his property, who may be torn from the possession of it in a moment? Or upon what motive can he act who will not become more happy by doing his duty?
Many of those to whom this bill is proposed to extend, have raised fortunes at the expense of their ease, and at the hazard of their lives; and now sit at rest, enjoying the memory of their past hardships, and inciting others to the prosecution of the same adventures. How will it be more reasonable to drag these men from their houses, than to seize any other gentleman upon his own estate? and how negligently will our navigation and our commerce be promoted, when it is discovered that either wealth cannot be gained by them, or, if so gained, cannot be enjoyed.
But it is still urged, sir, that there is a necessity of manning the fleet; a necessity which, indeed, cannot totally be denied, though a short delay would produce no frightful consequences, would expose us to no invasions, nor disable us from prosecuting the war. Yet, as the necessity at least deserves the regard of the legislature, let us consider what motives have hitherto gained men over to the publick service; let us examine how our land forces are raised, and how our merchants equip their ships. How is all this to be effected without murmurs, mutinies, or discontent, but by the natural and easy method of offering rewards?
It may be objected, sir, that rewards have been already proposed without effect; but, not to mention the corrupt arts which have been made use of to elude that promise, by rejecting those that came to claim them, we can infer from their inefficacy only, that they were too small; that they were not sufficient to dazzle the attention, and withdraw it from the prospect of the distant advantages which may arise from the service of the merchants. Let the reward, therefore, be doubled, and if it be not then sufficient, doubled anew. There is nothing but may be bought, if an adequate price is offered; and we are, therefore, to raise the reward, till it shall be adjudged by the sailors equivalent to the inconveniencies of the service.
Let no man urge, that this is profusion; that it is a breach of our trust, and a prodigality of the publick money. Sir, the money thus paid is the price of liberty; it is disbursed to hinder slavery from encroaching, to preserve our natural rights from infraction, and the constitution of our country from violation. If we vote away the privilege of one class among us, those of another may quickly be demanded; and slavery will advance by degrees, till the last remains of freedom shall be lost.
But perhaps, sir, it will appear, upon reflection, that even this method needs not to be practised. It is well known, that it is not necessary for the whole crew of a ship to be expert sailors; there must be some novices, and many whose employment has more of labour than of art. We have now a numerous army, which burdens our country, without defending it, and from whom we may, therefore, draw supplies for the fleet, and distribute them amongst the ships in just proportions; they may immediately assist the seamen, and will become able, in a short time, to train up others.
It will, doubtless, sir, be objected to this proposal, that the continent is in confusion, and that we ought to continue such a force as may enable us to assist our allies, maintain our influence, and turn the scale of affairs in the neighbouring countries. I know not how we are indebted to our allies, or by what ties we are obliged to assist those who never assisted us; nor can I, upon mature consideration, think it necessary to be always gazing on the continent, watching the motions of every potentate, and anxiously attentive to every revolution. There is no end, sir, of obviating contingencies, of attempting to secure ourselves from every possibility of danger. I am, indeed, desirous that our friends, if any there be that deserve that name, should succeed in their designs, and be protected in their claims; but think it ought always to be remembered, that our own affairs affect us immediately, theirs only by consequence, and that the nearest danger is to be first regarded.
With respect to the amendment offered to this clause, I cannot see that it will produce any advantage, nor think any evidence sufficient to justify the breach of our constitution, or subject any man to the hardship of having his dwelling entered by force.
And, sir, I am not entirely satisfied of the impartiality and equity with which it is promised that this law will be put in execution, or what new influence is to cooperate with this law, by which corruption and oppression will be prevented.
It is well known, sir, that many other laws are made ineffectual by partiality or negligence, which remarkably appears by the immense quantities of corn that are daily carried into foreign countries, by illegal exportations, by which traffick I am informed that we obtain most of our foreign gold, which, in reality, is paid us for corn by the Dutch; though it is studiously represented to the nation as gained by our traffick with Portugal. Who can assure us that this law will not be perverted, after the example of others? and that there will not be wretches found that may employ it to the extortion of money, or the gratification of revenge?
Thus, sir, I have shown by what means our fleet may now be equipped, and how a supply of sailors may be perpetuated; for I cannot think how the boys which are educated in charity schools can be more properly employed. A proportion may be easily selected for the service, who will benefit the publick much more than by serving sharpers and attorneys, and pilfering either at low gaming houses, or in the inns of court.
Since, therefore, it is not pretended, sir, that this bill can be justified otherwise than by necessity, and it appears that supplies may be raised by other means; since, instead of increasing and encouraging seamen, nothing is proposed that does not manifestly tend, by depressing and harassing them, to diminish their numbers, I think it reasonable to declare that I shall continue to oppose it, and hope that every friend of liberty, or commerce, will concur in the opposition.
Sir Robert WALPOLE spoke next, to the following effect: — Sir, I have considered the bill before us with the utmost impartiality, and I can see no reason to apprehend that it will produce such universal discontent, and give occasion to so many abuses, as the honourable gentlemen by whom it is opposed, appear to suspect. It is not uncommon, sir, in judging of future events, and tracing effects from causes, for the most sagacious to be mistaken.
The safest method of conjecturing upon the future, is to consider the past, for it is always probable, that from like causes like consequences will arise. Let us, therefore, sir, examine what injustice or oppression has been hitherto produc
ed by laws of the same kind.
The power of searching, however it is now become the subject of loud exclamation and pathetick harangues, is no new invasion of the rights of the people, but has been already granted in its utmost extent, for an end of no greater importance than the preservation of the game. This formidable authority has been already trusted to the magistrate, and the nation has been already subjected to this insupportable tyranny, only lest the hares and partridges should be destroyed, and gentlemen be obliged to disband their hounds and dismiss their setting dogs. Yet, sir, even with regard to this power, thus exorbitant, and thus lightly granted, I have heard no general complaints, nor believe that it is looked upon as a grievance by any, but those whom it restrains from living upon the game, and condemns to maintain themselves by a more honest and useful industry.
I hope, sir, those that think this law for the preservation of their amusement, rational and just, will have at least the same regard to the defence of their country, and will not think their venison deserves greater solicitude than their fortunes and their liberties.
Nor is it difficult, sir, to produce instances of the exercise of this power, for the end which is now proposed, without any consequences that should discourage us from repeating the experiment. I have now in my hand a letter, by which the mayor and aldermen of Bristol are empowered to seize all the sailors within the bounds of their jurisdiction, which order was executed without any outcries of oppression, or apprehensions of the approach of slavery.
That this law, sir, will be always executed with the strictest impartiality, and without the least regard to any private purposes, cannot, indeed, be demonstratively proved; every law may possibly be abused by a combination of profligates; but it must, I think, be granted, that it is drawn up with all the caution that reason, or justice, or the corruption of the present age requires. I know not what can be contrived better than an association of men, unlikely to concur in their views and interests — a justice of the peace, a lieutenant of a ship, and a commissioner of the navy — three men, probably unknown to each other, and of which no one will be at all solicitous to desire the rest to unite to commit a crime, to which no temptation can be readily imagined.
This caution, sir, which cannot but be approved, and which surely is some proof of judgment and consideration, ought, in my opinion, to have exempted the bill, and those by whose assistance it was drawn up, from the reproachful and indecent charge of absurdity, ignorance, and incapacity; terms which the dignity of this assembly does not admit, even when they are incontestably just, and which surely ought not to be made use of when the question is of a doubtful nature.
The gentlemen, sir, who are now intrusted with publick employments, have never yet discovered that they are inferiour to their predecessors in knowledge or integrity; nor do their characters suffer any diminution by a comparison with those who vilify and traduce them.
Those, sir, that treat others with such licentious contempt, ought surely to give some illustrious proof of their own abilities; and yet if we examine what has been produced on this question, we shall find no reason to admire their sagacity or their knowledge.
We have been told, sir, that the fleet might properly be manned by a detachment from the army; but it has not been proved that we have any superfluous forces in the kingdom, nor, indeed, will our army be found sufficiently numerous, if, by neglecting to equip our fleet, we give our enemies an opportunity of entering our country.
If it be inquired what necessity there is for our present forces? What expeditions are designed? Or what dangers are feared? I shall not think it my duty to return any answer. It is, sir, the great unhappiness of our constitution, that our determinations cannot be kept secret, and that our enemies may always form conjectures of our designs, by knowing our preparations; but surely more is not to be published than necessity extorts, and the government has a right to conceal what it would injure the nation to discover.
Nor can I, sir, approve the method of levying sailors by the incitement of an exorbitant reward, a reward to be augmented at the pleasure of those who are to receive it. For what can be the consequence of such prodigality, but that those to whom the largest sum is offered, will yet refuse their service in expectation of a greater. The reward already proposed is, in my opinion, the utmost stretch of liberality; and all beyond may be censured as profusion.
It is not to be imagined, sir, that all these objections were not made, and answered, in the reign of the late queen, when a bill of the same nature was proposed; they were answered, at least, by the necessity of those times, which necessity has now returned upon us.
We do not find that it produced any consequences so formidable and destructive, that they should for ever discourage us from attempting to raise forces by the same means; it was then readily enacted, and executed without opposition, and without complaints; nor do I believe that any measures can be proposed of equal efficacy, and less severity.
Mr. SANDYS replied, in substance as follows: — Sir, whether the precedents produced in defence of this bill, will have more weight than the arguments, must be shown by a careful examination, which will perhaps discover that the order sent to the magistrates of Bristol conveyed no new power, nor such as is, in any respect, parallel to that which this bill is intended to confer.
They were only enjoined to inquire with more than usual strictness, after strollers and vagabonds, such as the law has always subjected to punishment, and send them to the fleet, instead of any other place of correction; a method which may now be pursued without danger, opposition, or complaint.
But for my part, I am not able, upon the closest attention to the present scene of affairs, to find out the necessity of extraordinary methods of any kind. The fears of an invasion from France, are, in my opinion, sir, merely chimerical; from their fleet in America the coasts of Britain have nothing to fear, and after the numerous levies of seamen by which it was fitted out, it is not yet probable that they can speedily send out another. We know, sir, that the number of seamen depends upon the extent of commerce, and surely there is as yet no such disproportion between their trade and ours, as that they should be able to furnish out a naval armament with much greater expedition than ourselves.
In America our forces are at least equal to theirs, so that it is not very probable, that after the total destruction of our fleet by them, they should be so little injured, as to be able immediately to set sail for the channel, and insult us in our own ports; to effect this, sir, they must not only conquer us, but conquer us without resistance.
If they do not interrupt us in our attempts, nor expose themselves to an engagement, they may, indeed, return without suffering great damages, but I know not how they can leave the shores of America unobserved, or pour an unexpected invasion upon us. If they continue there, sir, they cannot hurt as, and when they return, we may prepare for their reception.
There are men, I know, sir, who have reason to think highly of the French policy, and whose ideas may be exalted to a belief that they can perform impossibilities; but I have not yet prevailed upon myself to conceive that they can act invisibly, or that they can equip a fleet by sorcery, collect an army in a moment, and defy us on our own coast, without any perceptible preparations.
Then admiral WAGER spoke thus: — The calamities produced by discord and contention, need not to be pointed out; but it may be proper to reflect upon the consequences of a house divided against itself, that we may endeavour to avoid them.
Unanimity is produced by nothing more powerfully than by impending danger, and, therefore, it may be useful to show those who seem at present in profound security, that the power of France is more formidable than they are willing to allow.
My age, sir, enables me to remember many transactions of the wars in the late reigns, to which many gentlemen are strangers, or of which they have only imperfect ideas from history and tradition.
In the second year of the reign of William, the French gained a victory over the united fleets of the maritime
powers, which gave them, for the summer following, the dominion of the Channel, enabled them to shut up our merchants in their ports, and produced a total suspension of our commerce.
Those, sir, to whom the importance of trade is so well known, will easily apprehend the weight of this calamity, and will, I hope, reject no measures that have a manifest tendency to prevent it.
Our ships, sir, do not lie useless because there is any want of seamen in the nation, but because any service is preferred to that of the publick.
There are now, to my knowledge, in one town on the west coast, no fewer than twelve hundred sailors, of which surely a third part may be justly claimed by the publick interest; nor do I know why they who obstinately refuse to serve their country, should be treated with so much tenderness. It is more reasonable that they should suffer by their refusal, than that the general happiness should be endangered.
Mr. SOUTHWELL spoke next, to the following purpose: — Sir, when any authority shall be lodged in my hands, to be exercised for the publick benefit, I shall always endeavour to exert it with honesty and diligence; but will never be made the instrument of oppression, nor execute any commission of tyranny or injustice.
As, therefore, the power of searching is to be placed in the hands of justices of the peace, I think it necessary to declare, that I will never perform so hateful a part of the office, and that if this bill becomes a law, I will retire from the place to which my authority is limited, rather than contribute to the miseries of my fellow-subjects.
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