Complete Works of Samuel Johnson

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by Samuel Johnson


  The chief part of the lease consisted of the privilege to print Bibles and Prayer Books. I conjecture that Strahan had hoped to get a share in the lease.

  VIII.

  A letter about a cancel in Johnson’s ‘Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland’, dated Nov. 30, 1774.[In the possession of Messrs. Pearson and Co., 46, Pall Mall.]

  ‘SIR,

  ‘I waited on you this morning having forgotten your new engagement; for this you must not reproach me, for if I had looked upon your present station with malignity I could not have forgotten it. I came to consult you upon a little matter that gives me some uneasiness. In one of the pages there is a severe censure of the clergy of an English Cathedral which I am afraid is just, but I have since recollected that from me it may be thought improper, for the Dean did me a kindness about forty years ago. He is now very old, and I am not young. Reproach can do him no good, and in myself I know not whether it is zeal or wantonness. Can a leaf be cancelled without too much trouble? tell me what I shall do. I have no settled choice, but I would not wish to allow the charge. To cancel it seems the surer side. Determine for me.

  ‘I am, Sir, Your most humble servant,

  ‘SAM. JOHNSON.’

  ‘Nov. 30, 1774.

  ‘Tell me your mind: if you will cancel it I will write something to fill up the vacuum. Please to direct to the borough.’

  Mr. Strahan’s ‘new engagement’ was in the House of Commons at Westminster,

  to which he had been elected for the first time as member for Malmesbury.

  The new Parliament had met on Nov. 29, the day before the date of

  Johnson’s letter (Parl. Hist, xviii. 23).

  The leaf that Johnson cancelled contained pages 47, 48 in the first edition of his Journey to the Western Islands. It corresponds with pages 19-30 in vol. ix. of Johnson’s Works (ed. 1825), beginning with the words ‘could not enter,’ and ending ‘imperfect constitution.’ The excision is marked by a ridge of paper, which was left that the revised leaf might be attached to it. Johnson describes how the lead which covered the Cathedrals of Elgin and Aberdeen had been stripped off by the order of the Scottish Council, and shipped to be sold in Holland. He continues:— ‘Let us not however make too much haste to despise our neighbours. Our own cathedrals are mouldering by unregarded dilapidation. It seems to be part of the despicable philosophy of the time to despise monuments of sacred magnificence, and we are in danger of doing that deliberately, which the Scots did not do but in the unsettled state of an imperfect constitution.’

  In the copy of the first edition in the Bodleian Library, which had belonged to Gough the antiquary, there is written in his hand, as a foot-note to ‘neighbours’: ‘There is now, as I have heard, a body of men not less decent or virtuous than the Scottish Council, longing to melt the lead of an English Cathedral. What they shall melt, it were just that they should swallow.’ It can scarcely be doubted that this is the suppressed passage. The English Cathedral to which Johnson refers was, I believe, Lichfield. ‘The roof,’ says Harwood (History of Lichfield, p. 75), ‘was formerly covered with lead, but now with slate.’ Addenbroke, who had been Dean since 1745, was, we may assume, very old at the time when Johnson wrote. I had at first thought it not unlikely that it was Dr. Thomas Newton, Dean of St. Paul’s and Bishop of Bristol, who was censured. He was a Lichfield man, and was known to Johnson (see ante, iv. 285, n. 3). He was, however, only seventy years old. I am informed moreover by the Rev. W. Sparrow Simpson, the learned editor of Documents illustrating the History of St. Paul’s, that it is very improbable that at this time the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s entertained such a thought.

  My friend Mr. C. E. Doble has kindly furnished me with the following curious parallel to Johnson’s suppressed wish about the molten lead.

  ‘The chappell of our Lady [at Wells], late repayred by Stillington, a place of great reverence and antiquitie, was likewise defaced, and such was their thirst after lead (I would they had drunke it scalding) that they tooke the dead bodies of bishops out of their leaden coffins, and cast abroad the carkases skarce throughly putrified.’ — Harington’s Nuga Antiquae, ii. 147 (ed. 1804).

  In the postscript Johnson says ‘Please to direct to the borough.’ He was staying in Mr. Thrale’s town-house in the Borough of Southwark. (See ante, i, 493.)

  IX.

  A letter about apprenticing a lad to Mr. Strahan, and about a presentation to the Blue Coat School, dated December 22, 1774. [In the possession of Messrs. Robson and Kerslake, 25, Coventry Street Haymarket.]

  ‘Sir,

  ‘When we meet we talk, and I know not whether I always recollect what

  I thought I had to say.

  ‘You will please to remember that I once asked you to receive an apprentice, who is a scholar, and has always lived in a clergyman’s house, but who is mishapen, though I think not so as to hinder him at the case. It will be expected that I should answer his Friend who has hitherto maintained him, whether I can help him to a place. He can give no money, but will be kept in cloaths.

  ‘I have another request which it is perhaps not immediately in your power to gratify. I have a presentation to beg for the blue coat hospital. The boy is a non-freeman, and has both his parents living. We have a presentation for a freeman which we can give in exchange. If in your extensive acquaintance you can procure such an exchange, it will be an act of great kindness. Do not let the matter slip out of your mind, for though I try others I know not any body of so much power to do it.

  ‘I am, Sir, Your most humble Servant,

  ‘SAM. JOHNSON.’

  ‘Dec. 22, 1774.’

  The apprentice was young William Davenport, the orphan son of a clergyman.

  His friend was the Rev. W. Langley, the master of Ashbourne School.

  Strahan received him as an apprentice (ante, ii. 334, n. i). See also

  Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes, vol. iii. p. 287.

  The ‘case’ is the frame containing boxes for holding type.

  X.

  A letter about suppressions in ‘Taxation no Tyranny! dated March 1, 1775.[In the possession of Mr. Frank T. Sabin, 10 & 12, Garrick Street Covent Garden.]

  ‘SIR,

  ‘I am sorry to see that all the alterations proposed are evidences of timidity. You may be sure that I do [? not] wish to publish, what those for whom I write do not like to have published. But print me half a dozen copies in the original state, and lay them up for me. It concludes well enough as it is.

  ‘When you print it, if you print it, please to frank one to me here, and frank another to Mrs. Aston at Stow Hill, Lichfield.

  ‘The changes are not for the better, except where facts were mistaken. The last paragraph was indeed rather contemptuous, there was once more of it which I put out myself.

  ‘I am Sir, Your humble Servant,

  ‘SAM. JOHNSON.’

  ‘March 1, 1775.’

  This letter refers to Taxation no Tyranny, which was published before March 31, 1775, the date of Boswell’s arrival in London (ante, ii. 311). Boswell says that he had in his possession ‘a few proof leaves of it marked with corrections in Johnson’s own hand-writing’ (ib. p. 313). Johnson, he says,’ owned to me that it had been revised and curtailed by some of those who were then in power.’ When Johnson writes ‘when you print it, if you print it,’ he uses, doubtless, print in the sense of striking off copies. The pamphlet was, we may assume, in type before it was revised by ‘those in power.’ The corrections had been made in the proof-sheets. Johnson asks to have six copies laid by for him in the state in which he had wished to publish it. It seems that the last paragraph had been struck out by the reviser, for Johnson says ‘it was rather contemptuous.’ He does not think it needful to supply anything in its place, for he says ‘it concludes well enough as it is.’

  Mr. Strahan had the right, as a member of Parliament, to frank all letters and packets. That is to say, by merely writing his signature on the cover he could pass them through the post
free of charge. Johnson, when he wrote to Scotland, used to employ him to frank his letters, ‘that he might have the consequence of appearing a parliament-man among his countrymen’ (ante, iii. 364). It was to Oxford that a copy of the pamphlet was to be franked to Johnson. That he was there at the time is shown by a letter from him in Mrs. Piozzi’s Collection (vol. i. p. 212), dated ‘University College, Oxford, March 3, 1775.’ Writing to her, evidently from Bolt Court, on February 3, he had said: ‘My pamphlet has not gone on at all’ (ib. i. 211). Mrs. Aston (or rather Miss Aston) is mentioned ante, ii. 466.

  XI

  A letter about ‘copy’ and a book by Professor Watson, dated Oct. 14, 1776’.[In the possession of Mr. H. Fawcett, of 14, King Street, Covent Garden.]

  ‘SIR,

  ‘I wrote to you about ten days ago, and sent you some copy. You have not written again, that is a sorry trick.

  ‘I am told that you are printing a Book for Mr. Professor Watson of Saint Andrews, if upon any occasion, I can give any help, or be of any use, as formerly in Dr. Robertson’s publication, I hope you will make no scruple to call upon me, for I shall be glad of an opportunity to show that my reception at Saint Andrews has not been forgotten.

  ‘I am Sir, Your humble Servant,

  ‘SAM. JOHNSON.’

  ‘Oct. 14, 1776.’

  The’ copy’ or MS. that Johnson sent is, I conjecture, Proposals for the Rev. Mr. Shaw’s Analysis of the Scotch Celtick Language (ante, iii. 107). This is the only acknowledged piece of writing of his during 1776. The book printing for Professor Watson was History of the Reign of Philip II, which was published by Strahan and Cadell in 1777. This letter is of unusual interest, as showing that Johnson had been of some service as regards one of Robertson’s books. It is possible that he read some of the proof-sheets, and helped to get rid of the Scotticisms. ‘Strahan,’ according to Beattie, ‘had corrected (as he told me himself) the phraseology of both Mr. Hume and Dr. Robertson’ (ante, v. 92, n. 3). He is not unlikely, in Robertson’s case, to have sought and obtained Johnson’s help.

  XII.

  The following letter is published in Mr. Alfred Morrison’s ‘Collection of Autographs’, vol. ii. p. 343.

  ‘To Dr. TAYLOR. Dated London, April 20, 1778.’

  ‘The quantity of blood taken from you appears to me not sufficient. Thrale was almost lost by the scrupulosity of his physicians, who never bled him copiously till they bled him in despair; he then bled till he fainted, and the stricture or obstruction immediately gave way and from that instant he grew better.

  ‘I can now give you no advice but to keep yourself totally quiet and amused with some gentle exercise of the mind. If a suspected letter comes, throw it aside till your health is reestablished; keep easy and cheerful company about you, and never try to think but at those stated and solemn times when the thoughts are summoned to the cares of futurity, the only cares of a rational being.

  ‘As to my own health I think it rather grows better; the convulsions which left me last year at Ashbourne have never returned, and I have by the mercy of God very comfortable nights. Let me know very often how you are till you are quite well.’

  This letter, though it is dated 1778, must have been written in 1780. Thrale’s first attack was in June, 1779, when he was in ‘extreme danger’ (ante, iii. 397, n. 2, 420). Johnson had the remission of the convulsions on June 18, 1779. He recorded on June 18, 1780: —

  ‘In the morning of this day last year I perceived the remission of those convulsions in my breast which had distressed me for more than twenty years. I returned thanks at church for the mercy granted me, which has now continued a year.’ — Prayers and Meditations, p. 183.

  Three days later he wrote to Mrs. Thrale: —

  ‘It was a twelvemonth last Sunday since the convulsions in my breast left me. I hope I was thankful when I recollected it; by removing that disorder a great improvement was made in the enjoyment of life.’ — Piozzi Letters, ii. 163. (See ante, iii. 397, n. 1.)

  He was at Ashbourne on June 18, 1779 (ante, iii. 453).

  On April 20, 1778, the very day of which this letter bears the date, he recorded: —

  ‘After a good night, as I am forced to reckon, I rose seasonably…. In reviewing my time from Easter, 1777, I found a very melancholy and shameful blank. So little has been done that days and months are without any trace. My health has, indeed, been very much interrupted. My nights have been commonly not only restless, but painful and fatiguing. ….Some relaxation of my breast has been procured, I think, by opium, which, though it never gives me sleep, frees my breast from spasms.’ — Prayers and Meditations, p. 169. See ante, iii. 317, n. 1.

  For Johnson’s advice about bleeding, see ante, iii. 152; and for possible occasions for ‘suspected letters,’ ante, i. 472, n. 4; and ii. 202, n. 2.

  Mr. Mason’s ‘sneering observation in his “Memoirs of Mr. William Whitehead”’

  (Vol. i, p. 31.)

  I had long failed to find a copy of these Memoirs, though I had searched in the Bodleian, the British Museum, and the London Library, and had applied to the University Library at Cambridge, and the Advocates’ Library at Edinburgh. By the kindness of Mr. R. H. Soden Smith and Mr. R. F. Sketchley, I have obtained the following extract from a copy in the Dyce and Forster Libraries, in the South Kensington Museum: —

  ‘Conscious, notwithstanding, that to avoid writing what is unnecessary is, in these days, no just plea for silence in a biographer, I have some apology to make for having strewed these pages so thinly with the tittle-tattle of anecdote. I am, however, too proud to make this apology to any person but my bookseller, who will be the only real loser by the ‘Those readers, who believe that I do not write immediately under his pay, and who may have gathered from what they have already read, that I am not so passionately enamoured of Dr. Johnson’s biographical manner, as to take that for my model, have only to throw these pages aside, and wait till they are new-written by some one of his numerous disciples, who may follow his master’s example; and should more anecdote than I furnish him with be wanting (as was the Doctor’s case in his life of Mr. Gray), may make amends for it by those acid eructations of vituperative criticism, which are generated by unconcocted taste and intellectual indigestion.’ — Poems by William Whitehead, York, 1788 (vol. iii, p. 128).

  With this ‘sneering observation,’ which Boswell might surely have passed over in silence, the Memoirs close.

  Michael Johnson as a bookseller.

  (Vol. i, p. 36, n. 3.)

  Mr. R. F. Sketchley kindly informs me that in the Dyce and Forster Libraries at the South Kensington Museum there is a book with the following title: —

  S. Shaw’s ‘Grammatica Anglo — Romana’, London, printed for Michael Johnson, bookseller: and are to be sold at his shops in Litchfield and Uttoxiter in Stafford-shire; and Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Leicestershire, 1687.

  Mr. C. E. Doble tells me that in the proposals issued in 1690 by Thomas Bennet, St. Paul’s Churchyard, for printing Anthony a Wood’s Athenae Oxonienses and Fasti Oxonienses, among ‘the booksellers who take subscriptions, give receipts, and deliver books according to the proposals’ is ‘Mr. Johnson in Litchfield.’

  The City and County of Lichfield.

  (Vol. i, p. 36, n. 4.)

  ‘The City of Litchfield is a County of itself, with a jurisdiction extending 10 or 12 miles round, which circuit the Sheriff rides every year on Sept. 8.’ — A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, ed. 1769, ii. 419.

  Balliol College has a copy of this work containing David Garrick’s book-plate, with Shakespeare’s head at the top of it, and the following quotation from Menagiana at the foot: —

  ‘La première chose qu’on doit faire quand on a emprunté un livre, c’est de le lire, afin de pouvoir le rendre plutôt’ (sic).

  Felixmarte of Hircania.

  (Vol. i, p. 49.)

  ‘“He that follows is Florismarte of Hyrcania” said the barber. “What! is Signor Florismarte there?” replied th
e priest; “in good faith he shall share the same fate, notwithstanding his strange birth and chimerical adventures; for his harsh and dry style will admit of no excuse. To the yard with him, therefore.” “With all my heart, dear Sir,” answered the housekeeper; “and with joyful alacrity she executed the command.’” — Don Quixote, ed. 1820, i. 48.

  Boswell speaks of Felixmarte as the old Spanish romance. In the Bibliografia dei Romanzi e Poeini Cavallereschi Italiani (2nd ed., Milan, 1838), p. 351, it is stated that in the Spanish edition it is called a translation from the Italian, and in the Italian edition a translation from the Spanish. The Italian title is Historia di Don Florismante d’Ircania, tradotta dallo Spagnuolo. Cervantes, in an edition of Don Quixote, published in 1605, which I have looked at, calls the book Florismarte de Hircania (not Florismante). It should seem that he made his hero read the Italian version.

  Palmerin of England and Don Belianis.

  (Vol. i, p. 49, n. 2; and vol. iii, p. 2.)

  ‘“Let Palmerin of England be preserved,” said the licentiate, “and kept as a jewel; and let such another casket be made for it as that which Alexander found among the spoils of Darius appropriated to preserve the works of the poet Homer….Therefore, master Nicholas, saving your better judgment let this and Amadis de Gaul be exempted from the flames, and let all the rest perish without any farther inquiry.” “Not so neighbour,” replied the barber, “for behold here the renowned Don Belianis.” The priest replied, “This with the second, third, and fourth parts, wants a little rhubarb to purge away its excessive choler; there should be removed too all that relates to the castle of Fame, and other impertinencies of still greater consequence; let them have the benefit, therefore, of transportation, and as they show signs of amendment they shall hereafter be treated with mercy or justice; in the meantime, friend, give them room in your house; but let nobody read them.”’ — Don Quixote, ed. 1820, i. 50.

  Mr. Taylor, a Birmingham manufacturer.

  (Vol. i, p. 86.)

  ‘John Taylor, Esq. may justly be deemed the Shakspear or Newton of Birmingham. He rose from minute beginnings to shine in the commercial hemisphere, as they in the poetical or philosophical. To this uncommon genius we owe the gilt button, the japanned and gilt snuff-box, with the numerous race of enamels; also the painted snuff-box. … He died in 1775 at the age of 64, after acquiring a fortune of £200,000. His son was a considerable sufferer at the time of the riots in 1791.’ — A Brief History of Birmingham, 1797, p. 9.

 

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