***
“We are pleased to be here amongst – we hope – friends,” the new leader of the British delegation commenced courteously, as the dishes of dates, olives, cheese and small pieces of succulent lamb were removed. Only the ornate brass coffee pots and accompanying small cups remained and the crucial meeting began. “We appreciate Narash’s willingness to consider becoming our allies, after so long riding at the side of others.” He coughed delicately. “It is no easy decision,” he ended smoothly.
Years of diplomacy in Arabia and before that in India, meant that no one was aware of how keenly his eyes analysed the situation before him. That he was meeting the young emir and his regents he’d expected. To have other senior sheikhs of his family seated around him told the envoy much about the young prince’s position. The experienced diplomat knew that in Fouad’s time no one would have sat with him in such a council with outside envoys. The very structure of the meeting told him that reports were true and that the young prince was as yet far from firmly placed on his throne. It could hardly be otherwise, he knew. That the boy was still alive, let alone seated in his father’s place, owed something to the loyalty that still held to his father’s memory. He knew, though, that it owed more, much more, to the implacable will of his closest family advisors. Even they, however, could not keep the boy safe should he – or they – stumble over something as important as deciding which side to back in the bloody struggle which was now engulfing lands just to the north of them. A struggle which, they well knew would, inevitably, one day reach themselves.
The two key questions for him, as Britain’s senior representative in the Gulf, were firstly; would they decide to change sides and back the British? And, secondly, if they did, could they hold the country together and be able to deliver that agreement, against the powerful forces that would immediately be arrayed against them? The meeting would decide the first – but only events would decide the second. As he looked around the large chamber, his eyes slid over, without seeming to notice it, the half-screen placed immediately behind and to the left of Talal. Part of the answer to both – perhaps the greatest part, lay behind those screens. Though ill and becoming old, the boy’s grandmother was still a force in the land. And then, of course, there was his mother, who was neither ill nor old. They would, the envoy knew, regardless of the social conventions, need to be met face to face at some point.
***
“You realise that if we choose the Ottoman, the British could easily land a force in the town and crush us?” Isaac had worriedly pointed out in one of the several meetings held before the British delegation arrived in the town.
“Of course, and we could be attacked from the land by the Ottoman and the Rashid, should we choose the British,” responded Firyal.
“We must choose and choose now!” said Badr strongly. “We are in a strong position with the British at the moment, less so with the Turks who are winning all across northern Arabia. But,” he continued, “we don’t need to be in a strong position with them. They are, and have been, our allies for many years. Their allies, the Rashid are our near neighbours and they too are our allies. All that we would throw away as if of no importance if we desert them and slink into the tents of the British! A nation who have sneered at and ignored us for years! They are a greedy, treacherous power who, if they had chosen to, could have allied themselves with us before we lost Fouad – and perhaps he would not then have died! We can do no other but re-affirm our alliance and ride with our long-time friends,” he ended bluntly.
Nasir paused before he responded, his usual dilemma still in his mind. Still young, he hadn’t yet entirely got over his reluctance to speak until those older or more senior to himself had done so. The dilemma arose because he had also realised that often his knowledge or opinions were more accurate than those that other speakers put forward. He now understood something of Zahirah and Firyal’s problem. He realised that, being women, their task of manipulating the less-able dwarfed any obstacles he felt were in his path.
“I think, you are entirely right, Badr,” he paused long enough to note the surprised looks on all their faces. “As far as the British are concerned anyway. I also believe they will be more intrusive than the Turk has ever been. Our cousins in Kuwait, Sharjah and the rest, bear testimony to that. Where I’m less sure is that we should reaffirm our allegiance to the Ottoman. You know I was at al Hofuf. What disturbed me was not their defeat; every empire has those on occasion. It was the lack of fighting spirit that I saw in both men and officers. When I was in Kuwait, I saw British troops who were passing through; their discipline and spirit were totally different. That, allied to the reports Isaac and the Ladies Firyal and Zahirah have been receiving for years of how their empire is being eaten away as if it were a sack of grain or piece of cheese being devoured by rats, make me believe that their time may be coming to an end. It follows from that, that we, needing a strong ally against the Wahabbi and ibn Saud – our real enemies, let no one forget – must perhaps choose Britain. Remember also, that when the Turks fled al Hofuf it was without a thought for us, their nearest ally and so-called friend. That betrayal alone tempts me to seal my mind against them. When a friend has badly let you down once, you would be ill-advised to trust them overly much again!” he ended bluntly.
Zahirah spoke into the silence which greeted Nasir’s words. “We are at risk from whoever we reject. We need to assess that risk and what, if anything, our ally – whichever we choose – will do to aid us. For that, we at least need to go ahead with the meeting with the British.
Badr, realising that sentiment was moving against him, and that if a decision were taken at this moment, then he may well lose, had reluctantly agreed.
***
Nasir, his face unreadable, his eyes missing nothing, sat watching his co-regent’s grim, closed face as the meeting with the British got underway and realised that the visitors would be left in no doubt that, in the eyes of one powerful figure at least, their overtures were unwelcome. Badr was making it clear that their offer of an alliance would, if he had anything to do with it, be spurned. Good! the younger man, thought with some satisfaction, their offer will need to be the more generous! He hadn’t needed Zahirah’s warning to be alert to Badr’s attempting to de-rail the negotiations. He was ready for any such attempt as the older man suddenly spoke.
“You offer assurances of support, should we have need of it – is that correct?” His fierce eyes, black as obsidian, bored into the emissaries as he waited patiently until the diplomats had – reluctantly – nodded, then went in for the kill. “Yet your armies are at present surrounded north of us and we see no other outcome for you but of surrender!” He paused and continued, his voice full of scarcely veiled contempt. “Should we join you, and the Turks attack us for our duplicity in joining their enemy, how can you come to our aid? Your army is gone and we have the Turk and the Rashid between you and us!”
“We of course do not see that outcome as at all likely,” lied the urbane diplomat, with such conviction that it brought admiring glances from his audience. That he was present at all, showed both the importance of the talks – and sent a very clear signal that they were in the endgame. Sir Percy Cox, the all-powerful British Resident in the Gulf and normally based across the waters in Persia, most definitely did not cross those waters for idle chit-chat. “But, even if such an eventuality were to occur,” he continued, “we have warships all along the Gulf and aid would be with you before the Ottoman could occupy the town.” The Narashi merely nodded. The response was nothing that they hadn’t expected. Whether or not such aid would come swiftly enough was, of course, as they were cynically aware, something they’d not know until it was, perhaps, much too late. What was of more immediate interest to them was what sweeteners the British would offer in the way of arms and gold. In preparation for this, Nasir had ordered his men, as in Kuwait, to be seen only to be carrying their old fashioned weaponry, not the powerful modern guns the Turks had so recently provided. He’d al
so ordered the bulk of their obviously very expensive new camels to be stabled well away from any embarrassingly inquisitive British eyes. He had no objection for the British to suspect, strongly suspect, that they were in talks with their enemy, but he didn’t want either confirmation of that fact, or it’s extent in tangible payment.
The discussions – and the bargaining – continued for much of what remained of the day. The British offered more than they wanted, but less than they were prepared to. The Narashi happily took what was offered, with which they were entirely satisfied- but intended to press for more on the following day. The meeting was adjourned with both sides exhausted by the negotiations, but each having gained enormous respect for their opposite numbers.
Then, something occurred which made the British realise that the day had been, in some respects, merely the warm-up to the main act.
Chapter Fifteen
The urbane diplomat found that he had no need to create an excuse to get to meet Zahirah and Firyal. A politely phrased request, from the princesses themselves, brought him into Firyal’s private audience chamber late that evening when, it was hoped, most were asleep. The wide windows opening onto the balcony let in welcome breezes, cooled from their passage across the gulf waters. Both parties were under no illusion as to how dangerous the visit was, not only to the prospect of a Narashi-British alliance, but to Zahirah and Firyal personally. Not only would the Wahhabist elements of the population be outraged by such a breach of convention, but many others also. And if the powerful, strongly pro- Ottoman faction got even a breath of it they would smell treachery and – quite possibly – bring out their supporters in bloody riot or worse. For although both women had striven to keep their preference a secret, it was increasingly suspected that they wanted a British, not Ottoman, alliance. As added security, therefore, the attendants serving the dates, olives, and coffee were Zahirah’s deaf and mute slaves, always used by her now as a matter of habit, so dangerous were the times.
Sir Percy was curious as to why they would risk so much when a great deal of what they wanted to say could be, had been already, voiced by others. He was not left long in suspense and, when it became clear why the meeting had been arranged, his respect for the two women grew immeasurably – as did his fury. A letter which surfaced many years later in the dusty archives of Whitehall, the seat of British government and the centre of its once powerful India Office, gave both the content of the famous meeting – and its outcome.
‘… and so, sirs, the issue is clear. At the time of writing we do not, as yet, know whether the Narishi authorities will agree to enter into an alliance with us and become a protectorate of His Majesty’s Government, as are Kuwait and the other smaller Gulf states, or relapse back into their old alliance with the Ottoman. Many, indeed, perhaps most, including the older of the two regents, favour the latter. I would be more concerned about this grouping, were not certain, very strong, forces seeming to veer towards ourselves. Not the least of these is the prince Nasir, the second regent, who, although young, is a major influence in the Emirate. (Indeed, should his loyalty to the young emir ever falter, I believe the boy would be dead within twenty four hours.) He, I believe, though circumspect in public discussions, sees us as a sturdier ally than the Ottoman, despite their current strength. He will, I believe, argue strongly for an alliance with us, should other pieces be in place. The major one of these is the subject of the remainder of this communication.
Because of the highly probable wide-ranging ramifications of them, I feel it wise to apprise you of the final Narashi ‘suggestions’ as to what would enable them to become our allies. The proposals come direct from the princesses Firyal and Zahirah, presented to me in private audience. My view is that, unless we accede, they will seek a similar pledge from the Ottoman, who, regardless of whether they can actually deliver it, may well give such a commitment and we will lose Narash and all that it offers. A loss, I am aware, that we are not prepared to countenance under any circumstances.
They would be willing to consider an alliance provided – and this, I believe is non-negotiable – that the treaty spells out very specifically, the land boundaries as laid out in the detailed map attached. As you will see, it greatly enlarges Narash from both the town itself and those lands previously, though vaguely, regarded as Narashi. It removes any ambiguity in phrases such as ‘and such lands as are externally and internally, generally recognised as traditionally falling under Narashi rule,’ or whatever phrasing that we would, on this occasion, choose to use.
This very detailed, and one could say, startlingly modern and sophisticated, map was, I believe, produced under the direction of the Princess Zahirah. She, although entirely untutored, has an instinctive grasp of power and its workings that would challenge, if not shame, Signor Machiavelli. You will observe that these measurements, though given to me in the traditional terminology of the distance a fast camel could travel in a day, and so on, are pinpoint accurate when converted to our more traditional miles. The princesses are as aware as we, that although Narash does at present hold the land, almost all of it was gained either by Fouad or Talal the elder, his father. Some had previously been held at one time or another by the Rashid, and others are traditionally claimed by either the al Saud, or other tribal groupings. It will be a devil’s own brew to deal with once the Great War is finished. Bearing in mind, however, the utmost importance of stopping an Ottoman presence on The Gulf, it is a problem we must lay on one side, until victory is achieved.
Conclusion: as you have given me all powers necessary (including force, though, naturally, I have neglected to mention that possibility, in my discussions with the Narashi) I shall be confirming the agreement of HM Govt. to their proposals and signing an appropriate treaty unless I hear otherwise, via radio communication, during the next ninety six hours.
A little over ninety six hours later, the Narashi regents received final confirmation that the British government acceded to their demands. Two days later the Ottoman in turn confirmed that, as some of the lands ‘requested’ were traditionally – or at least frequently – under the rule of their allies the Rashid, they couldn’t concede the map as suggested by Narash. They did, however, offer some land, the precise extent of which would be decided later, that bordered both Narash and Kuwait when Turkey and it’s German and Austrian-Hungarian allies won the larger war. They also hinted that, in the event of such a victory, they would look favourably on dismembering Kuwait itself to the advantage of its Narashi friends.
***
So, the time for talking was done. Now, only a final decision was needed. A decision that would affect Narash’s future for decades, perhaps centuries to come. Those involved in making that decision, however, were acutely aware of an added and more immediate danger. Put simply, it was that the issue was so divisive that whatever that decision was, there was a grave risk that the emirate would collapse. Those closest to Talal realised that Narash itself may not last much beyond a few hours, once the decision was taken. Wrongly handled it could rip the emirate apart and Narash would implode within days. All parties were aware of that and tensions ran high as they prepared for the crucial majlis.
What most were not aware of was that some of those present would not survive the meeting itself. Instead they would fall by the gun or by the sword – both of which would be wielded by the closest of kin and the closest of friends.
Chapter Sixteen
Summer 1916
The inner council was split – and to a dangerous degree. So fundamental was the divide that each member knew there was no going back to the patched up, ‘better than the alternative’ show of unity that had kept Narash safe through the previous, dangerous months. Now, bitter divisions, and even more bitter rivalries, would be out in the open. There could be no other way. As a symptom of this deepening fracture, the two regents were now locked in a bitter and increasingly open power struggle. Many had expected it; few welcomed it. Had times been different, more settled, perhaps they may have kept that frag
ile unity; perhaps, though many doubted it. When someone wants a throne at present occupied by another, it is rare that things are settled peacefully, even in more settled times.
The terms of each great power’s offer were discussed by the inner council. During it, Firyal and Zahirah were careful not to spell out the true scale of the lands conceded by the British to Badr, showing only the overall general treaty of recognition and granting of protectorate status.
Despite the security it seemed to offer he remained obdurate. He wanted a continuation of the Ottoman alliance – and would take his fight to the majlis. Nasir, on the other hand had finally and formally come down firmly on the side of an alliance with the British. Neither side had the power to force through their conflicting visions without further support. That being the case, the scene was set for a bruising battle for that support within the majlis. Nasir, conscious of the external pressures mounting on the small emirate wanted a gathering summoned as soon as was practicable. Badr, unusually, was for waiting a while to, as he said, ‘see how events unfolded’. On this he was over-ruled, all the others in the inner group felt, as Nasir did, that time was not a commodity they had a great deal of.
That, and a further private reason, lay behind their demands for an earlier date. So, a meeting was quickly called and each grouping had messengers ready to advise its particular great power backer of their success – or failure.
By tradition, the assembly of notables was only a consultative body. Its actual power, however, fluctuated and was dependent on how strong the ruling emir was. Fouad had always been scrupulous in listening to the multitude of views expressed within it, but had rarely allowed it to overly influence what he actually did subsequently. Talal’s faction wasn’t yet strong enough to do the same; nor would they be until he reached manhood. If he reached manhood. Thus, what the notables said must be both listened to and, if unavoidable, acted upon.
Swords of Arabia: Betrayal Page 10
