by Ying-shih Yü
disappointed by the failure to fi nd immortality in the seas to the east but not yet
quite emancipated from the ingenious deception of the Daoist immortals, the
emperor now believed that the “Heavenly Horses” of Ferghana were of the same
family as the dragons and would eventually carry him to meet the Western
Queen Mother on Mount Kunlun. This is, as we shall see later, simply a slightly
revised version of the Yellow Emperor’s ascension to Heaven on a dragon’s
back. It was prob ably this belief that made Han Wudi so determined to get the
“Heavenly Horses,” even at the cost of aggressive wars.75
The further worldly transformation of the idea of immortality needs more
elaboration. Generally speaking, it may be seen in the fact that in almost all of
Han Wudi’s eff orts in connection with the cult of xian immortality, his worldly
desire for longevity or immortality can always be discerned. In the case of the
famous fangshi named Li Shaojun
, we see very clearly that Emperor
Wudi was much more concerned with achieving longevity or immortality than
with transcending this human world to become a seclusive xian. It is pos si ble
that Li won so much of the emperor’s confi dence primarily because he was
particularly known to be versed, among other magical arts, in the method of
“avoiding old age” ( quelao
). It is true that Li also promised that the em-
peror would meet the xian of Penglai
, one of the three divine mountains
in the sea. This does not mean, however, that the emperor would join the xian
on Penglai. Rather, it refl ects the belief that seeing the xian would lead to the
result of “no death,” and thus accounts for Emperor Wudi’s enthusiasm for the
cult of xian immortality.76
Wudi’s worldly desire for longevity is also instanced by his revival of the sac-
rifi cial off erings to spirits of the dead ( gui ) in Nan Yue
(modern Guang-
dong, Guangxi, and part of Vietnam). After the pacifi cation of Nan Yue in the
year 111 b.c.e., the emperor was told that formerly a king there had lived one
hundred and sixty years because he had made sacrifi cial off erings to spirits of
the dead. But later, people failed to follow the king’s example, which resulted
in the population becoming much weakened and exhausted. Upon learning
this, the emperor ordered the shamans of Yue to make sacrifi cial off erings not
only to Heavenly gods but also to all kinds of spirits as well.77 Since this sort of
sacrifi cial off ering was originally unrelated to the cult of xian immortality, Em-
peror Wudi, in reviving the traditional practices of the former long- lived king of
Yue, was obviously motivated by the worldly desire for prolongation of life. By il-
lustration, we may cite still another example. At the suggestion of the famous
fangshi Gongsun Qing, Emperor Wudi ordered the erection of two halls at Chang-
an, then the capital, and another at Ganquan
, one hundred li from the capital,
for the accommodation of xian. The latter was named Yiyanshou
, which
may be rendered as “longevity.”78 Such a name seems to be highly indicative of
the true intention of the emperor: he was anxious to meet the xian in order to
prolong his own life.
32 l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina
Lastly, Han Wudi’s worldly desire for longevity or “no death” may also be seen
in the famous feng and shan sacrifi ces. To be sure, the prob lem of the feng and
shan sacrifi ces is too complicated to be discussed extensively here.79 Roughly
speaking, during the period of the Qin and Han dynasties, there existed side by
side two diff er ent interpretations of the feng and shan sacrifi ces. One was the
po liti cal interpretation held by the Confucians and the other was what may be
called the quasi- religious interpretation held by the fangshi. According to the
former, the function of the feng and shan sacrifi ces, which were to be performed
on Mount Tai and the adjacent hill called Liangfu
, respectively, was to an-
nounce the accomplishment of general peace by a new dynasty as a result of
receiving the Mandate of Heaven.80 According to the latter, per for mance of the
feng and shan sacrifi ces was to bring immortality (“no death”) to the emperor.81
As most modern scholars agree, however, the feng and shan sacrifi ces made by
Qin Shi Huang, and particularly Han Wudi, were intended primarily to secure
prolongation of life or avoidance of death. It is true that the “Fengshan shu”
(Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifi ces) in the Rec ords of the Grand Historian
does not explic itly relate Qin Shi Huang’s per for mance of the feng and shan
sacrifi ces to the quest for immortality. In view of the fact that he did not let the
Confucian scholars arrange the sacrifi ces,82 however, it may be that he used
some fangshi as his advisers. Moreover, the well- known “posthumous edict of
Qin Shi Huang” counterfeited by Zhao Gao
, the notorious chief eunuch,
begins with the following sentence: “I have made an imperial tour throughout
the whole empire and performed sacrifi ces to vari ous gods of famous moun-
tains in the hope of prolonging my life.” 83 In spite of its being a forgery, this
sentence may still contain some truth as far as the emperor’s intention is
concerned. Other wise, it would hardly be able to serve the purpose of fabrica-
tion. Needless to say, Mount Tai must have been included in the “famous
mountains.” Thus understood, it seems beyond doubt that Qin Shi Huang’s
per for mance of the feng and shan sacrifi ces was also motivated by his worldly
desire for longevity.84
Like Qin Shi Huang, Han Wudi, too, made no use of the Confucians in the
fengshan arrangements.85 In Han Wudi’s fengshan per for mance, however, the
infl uence of fangshi was much stronger and the emperor’s worldly desire for
longevity or “no death” had also become more intense.86 What makes the feng-
shan of Han Wudi diff er ent from that of Qin Shi Huang,87 it seems to me, is the
fact that in performing the sacrifi ces, the former aspired not only to prolonga-
tion of life in this world, but also, paradoxically enough, to ascend to Heaven to
become a xian, which Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor) was then believed to have
achieved. Han Wudi is even reported to have said that he would not hesitate to
leave behind his wives and children if only he could follow the example of the
Yellow Emperor and ascend to Heaven as a xian.88 At fi rst sight, it would seem
that in Han Wudi’s case, the distinction between otherworldly and worldly im-
mortality that we have been trying to make does not make much sense. Yet on
l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina 33
closer examination, one fi nds that in the time of Han Wudi, obviously due to
the ingenious elaborations of the fangshi, the idea of xian was already begin-
ning to take on a more or less worldly character. In the case of Qin Shi Huang,
we have seen the confl ict of the two kinds of immortality, a confl ict of which
the fangshi must have been well aware. For the fangshi, there were only two
&
nbsp; ways in which this confl ict could be avoided: give up the cult of xian immor-
tality, which by then had already become their profession, or transform the
traditional otherworldly idea of xian into a worldly one so that it would match
the worldly desire of the worldly ruler. Naturally, the fangshi chose the latter
alternative.
The worldly transformation of xian may best be illustrated by a statement by
Sima Xiangru, the best- known fu writer of Wudi’s time: “The xian take their
residence in mountains or swamps and look rather emaciated. But this is not
what the emperor means by xian.” 89 Even such a simple statement reveals two
relevant facts: xian were traditionally conceived as being seclusive and other-
worldly, and worldly emperors were not interested in this kind of xian. To deter-
mine what kind of xian Wudi was interested in becoming leads us to reexamine
the legendary sage- king, Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor), whom the fangshi made
a model of emperor- turned- xian for Wudi to follow.
In pre- Qin lit er a ture, the Yellow Emperor did not occupy as prominent a posi-
tion as did other legendary sage- kings such as Yao, Shun, and Yu. The earliest
reference to him is found in a bronze inscription of the state of Qi dated about
375 b.c.e., in which the Yellow Emperor is called by the King of Qi a “remote
ancestor” ( gaozu
).90 In this inscription, the Yellow Emperor is obviously
considered a mortal man and is in no way related to the cult of xian immortality.
We have good reason to believe with Sima Qian that he is found not in the ortho-
dox Confucian classics but in the works of the “Hundred Schools,” whose lan-
guage is rather loose.91
Sima Xiangru’s statement also indicates when the transformation of xian
took place. The Grand Historian mentions the Yellow Emperor only as the fi rst
ruler in the “Annals of the Five Emperors.” It is only in the “Treatise on the
Feng and Shan Sacrifi ces” that he is presented as a xian in connection with
fangshi, showing that the change took place at a late date. Among pre- Qin phi-
los o phers, Zou Yan
of Qi (305–340 b.c.e.) is prob ably one of the earliest, if
not the earliest, to mention the Yellow Emperor in conjunction with the theory
of the cycle of fi ve virtues,92 an indication that the legend of the Yellow Emperor
is particularly related to the state of Qi, the home of the fangshi.93 On the other
hand, the ideas of “no death” and xian immortality also seem to have origi-
nated in Qi,94 and it is here that we fi rst see the fl ourishing of Huang- Lao
Daoism. In the fourth and third centuries b.c.e., a great number of the well-
known Jixia
scholars of Qi were Huang- Lao Daoists.95 From the late War-
ring States Period through early Han times, almost all Huang- Lao scholars are
found to be either natives of Qi or associated with that state.96 It is therefore
34 l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina
justifi able to conjecture that Huang- Lao Daoism had its origin in Qi toward the
end of the Warring States Period.97 This fact may explain why the cult of xian
immortality took the name of Huang- Lao Daoism during the Later Han
Period.98
To what extent Huang- Lao Daoism and xian immortality were related to
each other is hard to determine, but there is no doubt the two were already as-
sociated by the middle of the second century b.c.e.99 For instance, the famous
Anqi Sheng
of the third and second centuries b.c.e., originally known as
one of the early masters of Huang- Lao Daoism,100 was made a xian in Han
Wudi’s time by the fangshi of Qi.101 According to a modern scholar, he himself
was prob ably a fangshi of Qi, one who was also versed in Huang- Lao philosophy.102
The fangshi of Qi at Wudi’s court were also responsible for the transformation
of the Yellow Emperor from a legendary sage- king to a xian immortal.103 The
idea was prob ably fi rst suggested by Li Shaojun, who indicated to Wudi that the
Yellow Emperor had achieved “no death” after having seen the xian on Peng- lai
and having performed the feng and shan sacrifi ces.104 Further elaborations by
Gongsun Qing and other fangshi made the Yellow Emperor actually become a
xian and ascend to Heaven on a dragon’s back. What is even more revealing of
the worldly character of the idea of immortality is the fact that he was said to
have ascended to Heaven with his whole suite, including a harem of over
seventy.105 This type of xian, gregarious and still pursuing worldly pleasures, is
in sharp contradistinction to the traditional concept of a secluded and ascetic
xian, and it prob ably explains why Sima Xiangru insisted that the traditional
seclusive xian did not appeal to the emperors at all. Ascension to Heaven in the
manner of the Yellow Emperor is actually a transplantation of the imperial life
from this world to another, and to one in which human desires prob ably would
be better gratifi ed than annihilated.106
The invention of the story of the Yellow Emperor’s ascension to Heaven with
his whole suite is the fi rst step taken by the fangshi to transform the idea of xian
to suit the worldly taste of immortality seekers. As time went on, the same
theme received further elaboration. Moreover, its application was no longer
limited to the emperor, but extended to nobles and commoners as well. The
following two instances will suffi
ce as illustrations. The fi rst is the case of the
Prince of Huainan named Liu An
(d. 122 b.c.e.), the reputed author of
Huainanzi, which has been widely known ever since Han times. He was a great
patron of fangshi as well as of scholars and was forced to commit suicide after
planning sedition against Emperor Wudi.107 After his death, however, there
arose a legend in which the prince did not really die but ascended to Heaven as
a xian. This story is imbued with even more earthly fl avor than the Yellow
Emperor’s, because not only his whole house hold but even his dogs and cocks
are said to have followed him to Heaven as a result of taking immortality
drugs.108 A Later Han scholar explained this story as an expedient used by the
fangshi to gloss over the actual reason for the death of the prince.109 This might
l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina 35
well have been the case, but in view of the fact that the fangshi had fi rst sug-
gested the idea in its prototype to Emperor Wudi, we may conjecture that the
gospel of ascension to Heaven with one’s entire house hold might already have
been preached to Prince Liu An by the fangshi to induce him to embark on the
search for xian immortality. Since immortality seekers from the ruling class
were all motivated by worldly considerations, this was a most persuasive gospel
and one most likely to touch their hearts. Although there is no reason to doubt
the sincerity of people like Han Wudi and Liu An in seeking immortality, it is
certainly beyond anyone’s comprehension why they should be interested in be-
coming traditional xian at the cost of all their earthly pleasures.
The idea of ascension to Heaven with one’s family, however, also
found its
way among the common people. Our second instance, although less well
known to students of Daoism, is of considerable importance to our understand-
ing of the worldly transformation of the idea of xian in Han times. This story,
taken from a Han stone inscription dedicated to a xian immortal named Tang
Gongfang, relates that in 7 b.c.e., Tang Gongfang
served as a petty offi
-
cial in the provincial government of his native place, Hanzhong
. By luck
he met and won the favor of a “True Man,” who took him as a disciple and gave
him immortality drugs. Thus, Tang himself became a xian while still in gov-
ernment ser vice. Later he off ended the governor by failing to teach him the
Dao as the governor wished. Enraged, the latter ordered his subordinates to ar-
rest Tang’s wife and children. When Tang learned of this and went to his mas-
ter for help, the True Man made his wife and children take some drugs, saying,
“Now is the time to go.” But the wife and children were reluctant to leave their
home. “Do you wish your whole house hold to go too?” asked the True Man. “Yes,
that is exactly what we want,” they answered. Thereupon, he daubed the house
with drugs and, at the same time, gave drugs to all the domestic animals. There
immediately rose a great wind and a dark cloud to carry away Tang Gongfang and
his family. Their house as well as their animals dis appeared. The inscription
goes on to make the following remark: “Formerly people like Wang Ziqiao and Ji
Songzi all became xian singly, but Tang Gongfang was translated into another
existence with his whole family. It is indeed remarkable.”110
This story is rich in hidden meanings, but a few points directly related to our
discussion may be emphasized here. First, it shows that by this time, the cult of
xian immortality had already acquired a wider social basis and was no longer
an exclusive aff air between fangshi and the ruling class, for the hero of the story
was only a petty offi
cial in a provincial government. Second, it shows the popu-
lar belief in drugs as the best, or rather the easiest, way to achieve immortality.
Third, the growing worldliness of the xian concept is refl ected in the entire
house hold’s removal from Earth to Heaven. In pre- Qin times, man ascended as a
