Sixth Century BCE to Seventeenth Century

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Sixth Century BCE to Seventeenth Century Page 20

by Ying-shih Yü


  observation.

  However, it seems somewhat odd, to say the least, that the meaning of the

  myth has to be grasped by way of folklore of a much later date. In fact, the clas-

  sical Chinese expression jishengba (“ after the birth of the crescent”) has already

  provided us with the most impor tant key to understanding the myth. According

  to Wang Guowei’s four- quarter theory of the lunar month,7 in early Zhou times,

  jishengba prob ably stood for the second quarter from the eighth or ninth to the

  fourteenth or fi fteenth. Wang’s theory ties in extremely well with the fact that the

  two annual meetings actually took place at midnight of the seventh day.8 There

  can be little doubt that in the minds of the ancient Chinese, midnight of the sev-

  enth day marked the beginning of the jishengba quarter of the month. It is also

  signifi cant that in referring to the birth of the po- soul in man, the passage in

  the Zuozhuan (Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals), dated 534

  b.c.e., actually uses the expression jishengpo

  .9 This proves conclusively

  that the primitive Chinese conception of the soul was derived analogously from

  the birth of the crescent.

  In conclusion, it may be noted that the recent anthropological analyses of

  death rituals also bear importantly on our understanding of the subjects with

  which the Ways to Paradise is centrally concerned, for death as transition con-

  cerns not only the dead but the living as well. “During the burial ritual itself,” as

  Richard Huntington and Peter Metcalf point out, “the deceased, the living, and

  even the cosmos go through a period of transition.”10 As a result, the themes of

  rebirth and sexuality often dominate the symbolism of funerals. Only by bear-

  ing this in mind can we then grasp more fully the symbolic meanings of the

  silk painting from Mawangdui, the designs of TLV mirrors, and the myth of

  t h e e a r l y c h ine s e c once p t ion of a f t er l ife 89

  the Queen Mother of the West, as these are all burial- related objects found in

  Han tombs.

  With regard to the woman’s fi gure with a serpentine tail in the upper part of

  the silk painting, Loewe has made the in ter est ing suggestion that it may have

  been the artist’s intention to represent the fi nal stage of Lady Dai’s journey to

  Heaven when she has reached her destination sloughing off her mortal coil

  (59). This interpretation particularly makes sense when death is viewed as “the

  transition of the deceased from the world of the living to the realm of the dead.”

  It seems permissible to take the fi nal scene of the painting as a symbolization

  of the fact that the diffi

  cult and risky pro cess of transition is at last completed.11

  The cosmic signifi cance of the TLV mirrors is also worth noticing, because they

  were intended, as Loewe says, “to set a man permanently in his correct relation

  with the cosmos and to escort him to a life in the hereafter” (83). I am inclined

  to think that one of the symbolic meanings of the mirrors may have been to as-

  sure the restoration of a cosmic order that has been upset by death.

  Fi nally, in the myth of the Queen Mother many layers of symbolic meaning

  can be readily discerned. To begin with, the Queen Mother was conceived as pos-

  sessing the power to renew the cosmic cycle as well as life. In the second place,

  the pairing of the Queen Mother of the West with the King Father of the

  East, which often appears in stone reliefs and bronze mirrors found in Han

  tombs, clearly symbolizes sexuality and rebirth. The same may also be said of the

  symbolic repre sen ta tion of Fu Xi

  and Nü Gua

  with interlaced tails,

  which has an equally wide archaeological distribution in Han tombs.12 Last, but

  not least, the story of the meeting of Emperor Wu of Han and the Queen Mother

  of the West also suggests something more than meets the eye. On the basis of

  archaeological evidence, Kominami has off ered the in ter est ing interpretation

  that in the original myth, the Queen Mother may have been an androgynous

  fi gure representing primordial cosmic unity and order.13 I am not quite con-

  vinced of the Queen Mother’s hermaphroditism. There is reason to believe,

  however, that the myth of the Queen Mother may indeed have had something

  to do with unity and order. In view of the Han frame of mind, which stressed

  the harmony between the two cosmic forces of yin and yang and the intimate

  relationship between Heaven and Man, the meeting of Emperor Wu of Han

  with the Queen Mother seems to suggest the symbolic balancing of yin with

  yang, Heaven with Man, and life with order. According to the Han Wu gushi

  (Stories of Emperor Han Wudi), in their meeting, the Queen Mother

  only discussed matters pertaining to the human world with Emperor Wu of

  Han and refused to talk about aff airs concerning the super natu ral world (see

  117–118). This may well be taken as evidence that the emperor stands for the

  human order.

  On the other hand, the symbolic repre sen ta tion of the Queen Mother in this

  story is unmistakably that of life and immortality. In this connection, the pair-

  ing of Fu Xi with Nü Gua also helps us to grasp the meaning of this symbolic

  90 t h e e a r l y c h ine s e c once p t ion of a f t er l ife

  meeting. In Han popu lar culture, Nü Gua was conceived as a female creator of

  man and therefore symbolized life, whereas Fu Xi was described as possessing

  the power to maintain cosmic unity and order.14 It is clear that in both cases, a

  fundamental balance between life and order is maintained. Thus, the vari ous

  death- related myths of pre- Buddhist origins not only reveal early Chinese be-

  liefs about the hereafter but also express basic Chinese values regarding the

  nature and meaning of life, as does the symbolism of funeral rituals in practi-

  cally all cultures.

  not e s

  1. Hu Shih, “The Indianization of China: A Case Study in Cultural Borrowing,” in In de-

  pen dence, Convergence and Borrowing in Institutions, Thought, and Art (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1937), 224–225.

  2. Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University,

  1974), 2:98.

  3. The Hunan Provincial Museum and IAAS, No. 7, “Excavation of Han Tombs Nos. 2

  and 3 at Ma- wang- tui, Changsha” [in Chinese], WW 7 (1974): 43.

  4. Archeological Team of Han Tomb 168, No. 9, “Excavation of Han Tomb No. 168 at Feng-

  huangshan in Jiangling County, Hubei Province” [in Chinese], WW 9 (1975): 4; “Guanyu

  Fenghuangshan yiliubahao Hanmu zuotan jiyao,” WW 9 (1975); and The Hunan Provin-

  cial Museum and IAAS, “Excavation of Han Tombs Nos. 2 and 3 at Mawangdui, Chang-

  sha” [in Chinese], WW 7 (1974): 39–48, 63, 95–111.

  5. Liji zhushu, in Shisan jing zhushu (Nanchang edition, 1815), chap. 10, 19b.

  6. Hu Shih, “The Concept of Immortality in Chinese Thought,” Harvard Divinity School

  Bulletin, no. 122 (1945–1946): 30.

  7. Wang Guowei, “Shengba siba kao,” in Guantang jilin (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959), 1:

  19–26.

  8. See the vari ous versions of the myth quoted in Kominami Ichirō, “Seiōbo to shichi seki

  de
nsho,” Tōhō gakuhō 46 (March 1974): 36–40.

  9. See the Chinese text in James Legge, The Ch’ un Ts’ ew with the Tso Chuen (Hong Kong:

  HKU Press, 1960), 613.

  10. Richard Huntington and Peter Metcalf, Cele brations of Death: The Anthropology of Mor-

  tuary Ritual (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 117.

  11. Ibid., 116.

  12. See Wen Yiduo, “Fu Xi kao,” in Wen Yiduo quanji (Shanghai: Kaiming, 1948), 1:3–68;

  Zhong Jingwen, “Mawangdui Hanmu bohua di shenhua shi yiyi,” Zhonghua wenshi

  luncong 2 (1979): 78–80.

  13. Kominami Ichirō, “Seiōbo to shichi seki densho,” 62–74.

  14. See Zhong Jingwen, “Mawangdui Hanmu bohua di shenhua shi yiyi,” 30, quoting a

  fragment of a lost Han work, Yi qiankun cuodu.

  5. Food in Chinese Culture

  The Han Period (206 b.c.e.–220 c.e.)

  In 558 b.c.e., a nobleman of the Rong people told a Chinese statesman, “Our

  drink, our food, and our clothes are all diff er ent from those of the Chinese

  states” ( Zuozhuan [Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals],

  fourteenth year of Duke Xiang). Thus, in one simple sentence, this Rong noble-

  man of the Spring and Autumn Period (771–481 b.c.e.) aptly distinguished the

  Chinese from the non- Chinese. Culture may sometimes be defi ned as a way of

  life. If so, can we think of anything more fundamental to a culture than eating

  and drinking? It is on this assumption that I shall attempt, in what follows, to

  understand Han culture through a study of food and eating in Han China.1

  Recently, some very distinguished anthropologists have embarked on the

  ambitious undertaking of fi nding universal food meanings common to all hu-

  mankind. Being a historian by training, I am far from qualifi ed to play this

  new anthropologist’s game. The central task I set for myself in this study is

  therefore confi ned primarily to fi nding out what sorts of food and drink were

  available to the Han Chinese and how they ate and drank them. Fortunately, in

  the last three or four years, Chinese archaeology has shed tremendous light on

  Han culinary history. Im por tant and in ter est ing as they are, however, archaeo-

  logical fi nds are not easy to use fruitfully. For one thing, they are extremely

  scattered. For another, they require a historical context to make them meaning-

  ful to us, for we are some twenty centuries too late to eat and drink together

  with the Han Chinese. I shall not consider it a complete failure if my eff orts in

  92 f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e

  the pages that follow can provide no more than the beginnings of such a his-

  torical context. I reserve the intriguing and fascinating question of why the

  Han Chinese ate and drank in the way they did for those who are wiser and

  more learned.

  F O O D A N D F O O D S T U F F S F O U N D I N

  H A N T O M B N O . 1 AT M AW A N G D U I

  In 1972, China made a spectacular archaeological discovery on the eastern out-

  skirts of Changsha, Hunan, uncovering what is now known as “Han Tomb No.

  1 at Mawangdui.” The worldwide renown of this discovery was earned initially

  on the basis of the owner of the tomb, whose body had been so remarkably pre-

  served that her skin, muscles, and internal organs still retained a certain elastic-

  ity when the coffi

  n was opened. Originally, this tomb was dated from between

  175 and 145 b.c.e. Thanks to the excavation of Tombs No. 2 and No. 3 in 1973,

  however, the identity of the woman in this tomb can be more positively deter-

  mined. She was most likely the wife of Licang, the fi rst Marquis of Dai

  (reigned 193–186 b.c.e.), and died a few years after 168 b.c.e. at about the age of

  fi fty.2 It has been rightly claimed that the preservation of the corpse in such an

  excellent condition over the long span of some twenty- one centuries must be

  regarded as a miracle in medical history, but what particularly interests us here

  is the extreme importance of the entire discovery for our knowledge of food and

  eating in Han China.

  In the woman’s esophagus, stomach, and intestines 1381/2 yellowish- brown

  musk melon seeds were found, clearly indicating that she had eaten musk mel-

  ons not too long before she joined her husband, who was buried in Tomb No. 2,

  which borders hers on the west side. Musk melon turned out to be only one of

  the many foodstuff s that she had enjoyed in life. Among the rich burial re-

  mains unearthed from Tomb No. 1 are forty- eight bamboo cases and fi fty- one

  pottery vessels of vari ous types. Most of them contained foodstuff s. In addition,

  several hemp bags of agricultural products were also uncovered from the side

  compartments of the tomb chamber. All of these food remains have been iden-

  tifi ed and the whole list is as follows:3

  Grains:

  rice (Oryza sativa L.)

  wheat (Triticum turgidum L.)

  barley (Hordeum vulgare L.)

  glutinous millet (Panicum miliaceum Linn.)

  millet (Setaria italica [L.] Beauv.)

  soybean (Glycine max [L.] Men.)

  red lentil (Phaseolus angularis Wight)

  f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e 93

  Seeds:

  hemp (Cannabis sativa L.)

  malva (Malva verticillata L.)

  mustard (Brassica cernua Hemsl.)

  Fruits:

  pear (Pyrus pyrifolia Nakai)

  jujube (Zizyphus jujuba Mill. var. inermis [Bunge] Rehd.)

  plum (Prunus mume [Sieb.] Sieb. et Zucc.)

  strawberry (Myrica rubra Sieb. et Zucc.)

  Roots:

  ginger (Zingiber offi

  cinale Roscoe)

  lotus root

  Animal Meats:

  sheep (Ovis aries Linn.)4

  Bird Meats:

  wild goose (Anser sp.)

  mandarin duck (Aix galericulata L.)

  duck (Anatidae)

  bamboo chicken (Bambusicola thoracica Temminck)

  chicken (Gallus gallus domesticus Brisson)

  pheasant (Phasianus colchicus L.)

  crane (Grus sp.)

  pigeon (Streptopelia sp.)

  turtledove (Oenopopelia tranquebarica Temminck)

  owl (Strigidae)

  magpie (Pica pica L.)

  sparrow (Passer montanus L.)

  Fish:

  carp (Cyprinus carpio L.)

  crucian carp (Carassius auratus L.)

  bream (Acanthobrama simoni Bleeker)

  two other kinds of carp (Xenocypris argeuteus Gunther and Elopichthys

  bamausa Richardson)

  perch (Spiniperca sp.)

  Spices:

  cinnamon bark (Cinnamomum chekiangense Nakai)

  huajiao [“fagara”] (Zanthoxylum armatum D.C. and Z. planispinum Sieb.

  et Zucc.)

  xingyi (buds of the Magnolia denudata Desr.), galangal (Alpinia offi

  cinal-

  rum Hance)

  94 f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e

  Apart from food remains, there are also 312 inscribed bamboo slips that give

  additional information not only on food but on cooking as well. The slips item-

  ize a number of foodstuff s that are not found among the remains, such as

  melon, bamboo shoots, taro, wild ginger, and goosefoot in the vegetable cate-

  gory, together with quail, wild duck, and eggs within the bird group. Altogether,

  these make a good supplementary list. More
impor tant, the slips tell us a lot

  about seasonings and methods used in Han- period cooking. The seasonings

  included salt, sugar, honey, soy sauce ( jiangyou

  ), shi

  (salted darkened

  beans), and leaven ( qu ). Cooking and preserving methods consisted of roast-

  ing, scalding, shallow frying, steaming, deep frying, stewing, salting, sun drying,

  and pickling.

  A variety of dishes mentioned in these bamboo slips also merit attention. The

  fi rst kind of dish to be noted is geng

  (stew), a thick liquid dish with chunks of

  meat or vegetables or both. The list of dishes begins with nine ding

  (tripod

  cauldrons) of “ Grand [meat] Stew” ( Yugeng or Dageng).5 Geng, it may be pointed

  out, was the most common kind of Chinese main dish from antiquity through

  the Han Period. As will be shown below, while geng was characteristically made

  of mixed ingredients, the Dageng, or Grand Stew, alone was not. Han Confu-

  cianists, like the author of Liji (Classic of Rites) and Zheng Zhong (fi rst century

  c.e.), were all in agreement that the Dageng, whether as a sacrifi cial off ering or

  as a dish for guests, should always be unseasoned to honor its simplicity.6 Wang

  Chong (27–100? c.e.) also said, “The Grand Stew must of necessity be fl avor-

  less.”7 The nine Dageng listed on the bamboo slips are respectively made of ox,

  sheep, deer, pig, suckling pig, dog, wild duck, pheasant, and chicken.

  The mixed geng was normally a seasoned combination of meat with grain or

  vegetables. Bamboo slip number 11 names niubaigeng

  , which has been cor-

  rectly identifi ed as “beef- rice stew.” 8 It is impor tant to note that meat- grain stew

  was a very common type of geng in Han times. Other geng mixtures recorded

  on the bamboo slips include the following: deer meat– salted fi sh– bamboo

  shoots, deer meat– taro, deer meat– small beans, chicken– gourd, crucian carp–

  rice, fresh sturgeon– salted fi sh– lotus root, dog meat– celery, crucian carp– lotus

  root, beef– turnip, lamb– turnip, pork– turnip, beef– sonchus (a wild grass), and

  dog meat– sonchus.

  The bamboo slips also reveal how discriminating Chinese taste had become

  in terms of the use of the vari ous parts of diff er ent animals by the Han Chinese.

  The slips mentioned, among other things, deer fl ank, beef fl ank, dog fl ank,

 

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