George Boleyn obtained this result in less than four days, again by his boldness, audacity and obstinacy. This was a personal triumph for him, much to the disgust of the Bishop of Paris, Jean du Bellay, who vented his anger in a letter to the ambassador of France in London dated 20 March. In it he strongly criticised George Boleyn for being "such an unreasonable man", but although furious with his success, in his letter du Bellay gives grudging praise for the respect Rochford commanded at the meeting, and the skill with which he supported the discussion.14 It has to be remembered that in March 1533 George Boleyn was still only about 28. He had been sent to France to coerce the French king into a course of action that Francis was not overly happy to take. Failure would result in the disappointment of the King of England and his own sister, not only in the outcome, but also in him personally. The pressure would have been enormous. It was inconceivable that he could go home completely empty-handed, hence his dogged persistence. It may also explain the unreasonableness that he is accused of exhibiting. Francis was already angered by Henry's marriage, which had taken place in direct opposition to the assurances given by Henry only three months previously. Attack is often the best form of defence, which may well have resulted in George responding to his cool reception with a seemingly unreasonable forcefulness.
Francis's letter in support of Henry was returned to England by courier, and George remained in France for a further two weeks, indicating that whatever displeasure Francis may have felt, this was not directed at George personally. George's remaining in France may have been because his instructions did not solely relate to his sister's cause, but included orders to communicate with Francis regarding the marriage of the Duke of Orleans to the Pope's niece, and the differences between England and Scotland. Alternatively, it may partly have been because, self-satisfied with his success, George took his time returning home, determined to enjoy the delights of the French court. He did not arrive back in England until 8 April. There is a dispatch from Chapuys dated 16 April saying George had arrived from France eight days previously, and that George's servants had proudly informed Chapuys that their master "had received in France 2,000 cr. as a present for the good news he had brought of his sister's marriage".15 It is clear that George left Francis on good terms, whatever the Boleyn enemies may have chosen to believe.16
Whether smugly self-satisfied with the result of the French mission or not, in reality, the small success George had achieved in France had no practical effect. Despite attempts to use Francis as a means of intimidation, the Pope remained unwavering. Irrespective of the Pope's continuing refusal to relent, due to Anne's pregnancy, and also to the intervention of Cranmer, matters that had taken six years to get to this point now started to move quickly. On 23 May 1533, Cranmer declared Henry's marriage to Catherine void, and five days later he declared the marriage of Henry and Anne to be valid, thereby stripping Catherine of her title as Queen. By having his marriage with Catherine declared void, Henry was in effect declaring his own daughter Mary a bastard, with no concern for her feelings or the feelings of her mother.
As we have seen, it was also in May that Cranmer instigated the break with Rome, thereby making Henry head of the Church of England. The break would be completed by the Act of Supremacy in 1534. This was the beginning of the English Reformation, and the end of England as a Catholic country.
Matters were now put in hand to have Anne crowned queen, and the date for her coronation was set for 1 June.17 Unfortunately, having devoted much of his career to bringing it about, her brother was not able to attend his sister's moment of glory. Less than two months after returning from France, George was sent back. In May 1533, accompanied his uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, and a large contingency of courtiers so that they could both be present at the meeting scheduled between Francis and the Pope.18 Henry had chosen a contingency of men who would be acceptable to Francis, and clearly George Boleyn was considered to be one of them, having spent considerable time with the French king on previous missions.
The Duke of Norfolk headed the mission, accompanied by George and Sir Francis Bryan, both of whom Francis already knew as ambassadors, and Sir William Paulet and Sir Anthony Browne, who were both close friends of Henry VIII.19 They were ordered to attend the meeting so as to prevent any hostile reaction against Henry, and in particular excommunication. Hence George missed the coronation of his sister, which must have been an enormous disappointment for both of them. Anne would have wanted her only brother and most loyal supporter to share the momentous occasion with her, and George must have been hugely disappointed not to have shared the limelight after all his conscientious hard work. It is an indication of the importance Henry placed on having his newly-acquired brother-in-law in attendance at the proposed meeting between Francis and the Pope that he was prepared to have him miss his own sister's coronation. But there was of course another reason for George's attendance at the meeting: Anne trusted him above all others. The siblings obviously agreed that having a Boleyn at the meeting outweighed the importance of George being at the coronation.
Whether Anne wrote to her brother regarding her coronation is unknown, as there are no surviving letters between the siblings. However, George's wife Jane attended both the coronation and the coronation banquet as one of Anne's ladies, so would have been able to report back to him. George also received a letter from Anne's new vice-chamberlain Edward Baynton. On 9 June, just over a week after the coronation, Baynton wrote to George in France informing him that the coronation had been "performed honourably". Baynton humorously wrote:
The pastime in the Queens Chamber was never more. If any of you that be now departed have any ladies that they thought favoured you, and somewhat would mourn at parting of their servants, I can no whit perceive the same by their dancing and pastime they do use here.20
Such entertainments in the queen's chambers would later be used as evidence against Anne and her supposed lovers, particularly her brother, who was later lambasted at his trial for having the indecency to dance with his sister. But whilst the King remained happy with his new wife, it was just seen as amusing and light-hearted fun, which of course was exactly what it was. Baynton was one of the men who would later investigate the Queen for her indecorous behaviour and supposed adultery, obviously forgetting his own earlier acceptance of her behaviour as innocent fun. Knowing his sister better than anyone, George no doubt read Baynton's words with wry amusement, little appreciating the horror that would be unleashed on himself and his sister in less than three years' time.
Baynton had suggested that the courtiers who travelled in George's train would not be missed at home due to the joyous entertainment in the new queen's chambers. A number of Henry's courtiers attended the French court at one time or another, particularly his favourites such as Charles Brandon, George Boleyn, Thomas Wyatt, Francis Bryan, Nicholas Carew, and the King's precocious young son, Henry Fitzroy, all of whom were dashing, high-living young men, leaders of fashion, and in some cases of culture. In a world in which foreign travel was limited, ambassadors were sent on embassy with a large group of young courtiers keen to alleviate boredom with the excitement of new experiences. These young men returned to England exuding an arrogant sophistication, which was the envy of those who remained at home. When they came back they were "all French in eating, drinking and apparel, yea, in French vices and brags".21 Because of this, all young courtiers wanted the opportunity to be part of an ambassador's train in order to see the world and become like Anne Boleyn's elegant and sophisticated brother. Therefore, when George went abroad, he travelled with a large contingency of courtiers keen to emulate him. It would be naive to think that the entertainment these young men would have enjoyed while in France or Italy was all polite dinner parties. They were recklessly determined to get as much enjoyment as possible out of the experience, and more importantly, they travelled without the hindrance of wives. A wild and debauched social life could fit in nicely with high politics and diplomacy, if the right balance could be struck.
On the mission that began in May 1533, George and his train of courtiers, including a retinue of 160 horsemen, had the dubious company of the Duke of Norfolk. When they passed into France, the Duke was accompanied by the Duke of Richmond, the King's illegitimate son, who was with him for the experience of foreign travel and to be introduced to the King of France. The Duke of Norfolk, George's uncle, was a particularly odious individual. His own biographer, David Head, describes him as having an unpleasant personality: "Being feared and respected might have been all Norfolk expected, for there is little evidence that he was loved by anyone."22 He was as ruthless and self-seeking as any courtier of the age, and was neither trusted nor trustworthy. His own wife said of him, "He can speak fair to his enemy as to his friend".23
Thomas Howard was born in 1473 and succeeded his father as 3rd Duke of Norfolk in 1524. He had been Lord Treasurer of Ireland from 1520 to 1521, and became Lord High Treasurer in 1522 upon his father's retirement. Although he was a staunch Catholic throughout his life, he was happy to support the King in his desire to marry his niece, Anne Boleyn, as long as it was profitable for him to do so. Once the tide turned against her he assisted in her destruction, and that of his nephew. In fact, his loyalty to the Boleyns waned long before their eventual downfall, due mainly to his jealousy and bitterness when his fortunes did not increase in line with theirs. What he failed to see was that his prospects were always to be limited by his own character and his obvious need for power. There were few people more repellent than Norfolk, even in the sixteenth century. Ultimately, Henry was bound to those people he liked and trusted, and although Norfolk was a useful tool, he was not a member of the King's inner circle, and never would be. He lacked the natural wit and charm of his Boleyn in-laws, and this failure would always limit his influence with the King.
George went on two missions to France with his uncle, and whatever his personal views may have been, continued to work closely with him as late as July 1535. George may very well have loathed Norfolk as much as his sister did. Norfolk once complained that Anne spoke to him worse than a dog. Her brother George was more reticent, but in 1534 when Anne's relationship with Norfolk completely broke down, Norfolk complained to Chapuys that both George and Anne were exhibiting signs of mistrusting him.24 It was upon their return from France in August 1533 that the King's illegitimate son married Norfolk's daughter, Mary Howard, when they were both just 15 years old. This marriage provided Norfolk with a prominent link to the King. Although Anne herself had encouraged the union, once her relationship with Norfolk completely broke down, both she and her brother had cause to regret the potential power the marriage gave to their untrustworthy uncle.
When the English contingent arrived in France in May 1533, they remained in Calais for a number of days awaiting instructions. Upon hearing from Henry that a meeting between the Pope and Francis should be prevented unless a favourable decision could be assured, the English party travelled on to Paris. There they had two long meetings towards the end of June with Francis's sister, Marguerite, who displayed great kindness to the ambassadors.25 Marguerite was predisposed towards the evangelical movement, meaning she had much in common with George, and while in conversation with Norfolk and his nephew, she confirmed that she would encourage her brother to support Henry. The meeting between Francis and the Pope was scheduled for July 1533 in a small town in the south of France. Given the age's difficulties with communications, it had been necessary for Henry's ambassadors to leave England at least a month in advance to ensure they arrived in time for the meeting - hence George's departure from England on 28 May, missing his sister's coronation by just four days.
After their discussions with the Queen of Navarre, the party travelled to Riom, where they eventually met up with Francis on 10 July. The meeting with the Pope had been scheduled for the 15th, but had been put off due to the oppressive heat. The English party proceeded with Francis through a number of small French towns on what was similar to the English equivalent of the summer progress. Six days passed during which the French and English enjoyed a relaxing break in the South of France, under the guise of "negotiations". During that time, the English were treated to lavish entertainments by their French hosts, who had been ordered to treat the English envoys with honour "as would have been the very person of my Lord the Dauphin."26 This could best be described as a short holiday from the rigours of politics, no doubt thoroughly enjoyed by George Boleyn and the other young men who travelled with him. During the break Norfolk was taken ill, and on 16 July it was suggested that he travel on to Lyon and remain there whilst the French court continued its travels, with a view to the court joining him in Lyon later. Norfolk took leave of the court, arriving in Lyon on 21 July where on the way the party narrowly escaped disaster. Sir Anthony Browne, who was with the English contingent, wrote to Cromwell on 24 July:
Also, Sir, you shall understand that the 21st day of this month we arrived at this town [Lyon] and before our arrival, three legs off, at a village called Griesves, my Lord of Norfolk dined and his company, and all with him the bishops of Paris, Monsieur Morrent, with divers others; and after dinner, because the weather was wet, were under a great tree, and sat there and had a [collusion] with fruits and drink; and so departed; and within half an hour after, rose a great thunder and burnt the same tree; and also at the same time was burnt one of the French king's archers, which stood within three yards of him, with the thunder, and no else, thanks be to God.27
It would seem from this account that the whole party was very nearly struck by lightning. It was perhaps an omen of things to come. It is uncertain whether George Boleyn was with Norfolk at the time or whether he had remained with Francis and the French court. He would certainly not have wished to leave Francis's lavish entertainments in order to enjoy the pleasure of his ageing uncle's company. It is far more likely that the younger courtiers such as George, Francis Bryan and Henry Fitzroy remained with Francis. Whatever their movements, George's fun was about to be curtailed in a dramatic fashion.
On 11 July, the Pope declared Cranmer's proceedings null and void, and pronounced a sentence of excommunication on Henry. The sentence was delayed by six weeks to allow Henry to set aside his unlawful marriage with Anne and return to Catherine of Aragon. News of the sentence of excommunication reached the English party in Lyon on 25 July and Norfolk is said to have nearly fainted when he heard. Either George was already with Norfolk, or else Norfolk quickly recalled him from Francis, because upon hearing the news he immediately sent George back to England, presumably thinking that the shock would be better if delivered by the Queen's brother. From George's point of view, the sentence of excommunication may have proved disastrous. There must have been a fear in the back of his mind that the Pope's sanctions might force Henry to relinquish Anne and abandon the anti-papal legislation that was to be finalised the following year. As we know, none of this happened - but it must have been a very anxious young man who returned to England with the news. It took George only three days to get back to England, arriving at Windsor on 28 July. A dispatch from Chapuys dated 30 July confirms that George had arrived two days earlier: "I have not been able to discover the cause of Rochford's coming, who arrived 2 days ago from the place where he found Norfolk, in great diligence."28 George remained in England awaiting further instructions, which came on 8 August. The instructions to Norfolk and
George remained the same - namely that all possible means be used to prevent a meeting between Francis and the Pope until such time as the Pope acceded to Henry's wishes. The communications set out arguments that the ambassadors were to use to dissuade Francis from the meeting.29
As soon as George received these instructions, he must have immediately returned to France since he was back with Norfolk by 12 August. If they could not persuade Francis to abandon the meeting, the English ambassadors were ordered to return home.30 Although no meeting between Francis and the Pope had taken place by the time George and Norfolk left France at the end of August, Francis refused to abandon it altogether. By now, the King of France was almost entirely alienated by Henry's insistence on his support, and by Henry's demands that Francis fight his battles for him. Francis refused the English delegation's requests to abandon the proposed Papal meeting completely, saying that arrangements were too far gone to call it off and that it was in Henry's interests for it to go ahead as it would be hard to "buy another such opportunity".31 The only concession Francis made was to continue to offer to mediate between Henry and the Pope, and he did actively encourage English assistance in his negotiations with the Pope. Although Henry insisted that Francis's intervention was not needed, in reality the bull of excommunication meant Henry's gamble of marrying first and obtaining papal consent later had not paid off. His cause, at least as far as Rome was concerned, now seemed lost, and in addition to this his alliance with France was in severe jeopardy. Although George was to attend three further embassies to France, once that alliance failed completely in mid-1535, his diplomatic career would once again come to a grinding halt.
George Boleyn: Tudor Poet, Courtier & Diplomat Page 14
