American Cosmic

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American Cosmic Page 8

by D W Pasulka


  what amounted to the story of his life.

  A N E W R E S E A R C H D I R E C T I O N

  James knew that he had to embark on a research direction

  that had no path, no predecessors, no mentors. Luckily,

  he was already distinguished for this style of research. His

  colleagues would scoff at the seemingly impossible ideas and

  hypotheses he proposed at conferences, but then he would

  “leave them in the dust” in the lab and make his ideas real.

  James was already a pioneer. On the agenda now was a new

  research direction in which he would grapple with his past

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  and with one of the most significant questions in human

  history. In fact, at this stage in his life, there was no other

  agenda. Although he kept up with his day- job obligations

  and grant proposals, the new agenda would dominate his life

  and seep into every aspect of his thought processes.

  James surveyed his colleagues. He didn’t know anyone

  who was an experiencer, nor was he acquainted with Jacques

  Vallee or anyone else who studied the phenomenon scientif-

  ical y. All good science is done within communities of peer

  review and analysis, so James knew he needed to find like-

  minded researchers. But where? This was a field in which he

  knew no one. He came up with a daring plan. He decided to

  put himself on the map, to “out” himself publicly as being

  interested in the phenomenon. He began by reaching out

  about a spectacular case: some recently found material that

  was claimed to be of alien origin. James said that he could de-

  termine the truth of this claim. His plan proved to be a good

  idea, and a bad idea.

  Any serious researcher of UFO phenomena is aware that

  many governments have engaged in programs of “perception

  management.” There are good reasons for this having to do

  with national security. Sighting events could have to do with

  another government’s military program, or, if the strange

  crafts are real y from off- Earth, they might be hostile. Or—

  most likely— governments do not want to cause alarm and

  they just don’t know what UFOs are. In the words of the phi-

  losopher Ludwig Wittgenstein, “Whereof one cannot speak,

  thereof one must be silent.”

  In any case, there is an exhaustively documented his-

  tory of perception management. Declassified documents

  reveal that governments, including in the United Kingdom

  and the United States, have often covered up and managed

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  information about reported UFO events.1 One of the most

  famous instances of this can be found in what is known as

  the Durant Report, an account of the proceedings of the 1953

  Robertson Panel, a US government committee convened to

  study UFOs. Although the committee concluded that UFOs

  in and of themselves did not represent a security risk, they

  recommended a project of perception management that they

  termed “training and debunking”: a mass- media education

  campaign, enacted with the help of academics and media

  moguls, to control public knowledge about UFOs.2 The re-

  port concludes:

  This education could be accomplished by mass media such

  as television, motion pictures, and popular articles. Basis

  of such education would be actual case histories which had

  been puzzling at first but later explained. The Jam Handy Co.

  which made World War II training films (motion picture and

  slide strips) was also suggested, as well as Walt Disney, Inc.

  animated cartoons. It was believed that business clubs, high

  schools, colleges, and television stations would all be pleased

  to cooperate in the showing of documentary type motion

  pictures if prepared in an interesting manner.3

  What this means is that the phenomenon is usual y

  portrayed inaccurately, either intentional y by govern-

  ment sources or unintentional y by producers and directors

  creating products to appeal to consumer tastes. Only se-

  rious researchers know this. Everyone else, for the most part,

  assumes that what they see on television in documentaries or

  in the newspapers is being reported accurately. James, a top

  researcher in the hard sciences but not in UFO phenomena,

  reached out to several public ufologists, one of whom

  claimed to have access to an artifact that some claimed was

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  supposedly not of this earth— or at the least not understood

  in accepted science. James knew that if he gained access to

  this artifact, he would be able to analyze it and determine

  its origin. He also knew that his involvement would be

  publicized and attract the attention of people who might be

  serious researchers. His ultimate goal was to meet them.

  James contacted the ufologists and they agreed to let him

  examine the artifact. It certainly looked anomalous, and it

  had features that were not readily explainable. The ufologists

  would include James’s research in a documentary watched

  by millions of people. James would conduct the experiments

  at his university in his spare time, and the ufologists would

  film him and report his findings— whatever they might be.

  Advertisements and media about the documentary hyped his

  participation and suggested that his findings would change

  science. James, however, had only said that he would ascer-

  tain whether the artifact was from Earth or elsewhere. He did

  not assume that it was of an alien origin. But he did want to

  know what caused it to have such anomalous features.

  At one point during the experimentation, James became

  convinced that the specimen was assuredly from Earth. Using

  the tools of his trade, the data pointed strongly that it was

  of human origin. His conclusions seemed lost on audiences,

  however, and even on several ufologists with whom he was

  working. Media focused on the artifact as having a non-

  human, alien origin. The public thought James had con-

  firmed that it was alien.

  The media pronouncements on James’s research were so

  confusing that he decided to work with a few credible, high-

  profile science publications and newspapers to make a more

  direct statement on the matter. These publications affirmed

  that James had debunked the claim that the artifact had an

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  alien origin and emphasized that he had in fact found it to be

  of human origin. Yet, even this well- meant attempt to correct

  the story missed the point. James is a scientist. He used his

  skil s to show that something that appeared anomalous could

  be understood within the parameters of natural processes.

  He ruled out that the artifact was from “elsewhere.” It could

  be understood by conventional science. That did not mean

  he ruled out the reality of the phenomenon of UFOs. That

  phenomenon, he believed, was very real. This artifact was

  not an example of it.

/>   T H E V I S I T

  James’s reason for affiliating with the more public ufologists

  was to achieve a goal— to meet serious researchers of the

  phenomenon so he could carry on with his new research

  agenda. He needed a community of researchers who played

  by the rules of science and peer review. Soon after the much-

  publicized event, he met with success. The serious researchers

  actual y came to him, but his introduction to them was ex-

  traordinary and frightening.

  The title of the television series Punk’d had become a

  part of everyday, ordinary vocabulary. Being “punk’d” by

  one’s friends meant that one was the butt of a practical joke

  while simultaneously being filmed and even streamed in real

  time online or, worse, on television. It was, to some, an hon-

  orary humiliation. James, who lived in a university town,

  was aware of the show and had seen a few of his friends get

  punk’d. When the men in black suits knocked on James’s

  office door, he opened it and stared into two very grim, un-

  happy faces. Who are these people? he wondered. The men

  6 0 | A M E R IC A N C O SM IC

  asked if they could come in and talk to him about the arti-

  fact and “other things.” James wondered, “What have I gotten

  myself into this time?”

  He invited them into his office, and they accepted the

  invitation, not saying another word. The silence felt to James

  like a vague sort of threat. He made a joke to lighten the

  mood, but the men did not respond. After James offered

  them some water, he decided that he would match their cold

  demeanor.

  “What is it that you want?” he asked.

  “We want to know what you real y found out about the

  artifact.”

  “I already stated many times I can’t find any evidence it

  has an alien origin.”

  “We already know that. We want to know why you got

  involved and what else you might know.”

  After a moment passed, James came to the conclusion

  that he was most likely being punk’d. Amused, and ready for

  the charade to be revealed, he looked around for evidence of

  a camera or film crew. There was none. Hmm. With neither

  side knowing exactly what the other knew, there ensued one

  of the most interesting conversations of James’s life. One of

  the men turned out to be, like him, a top researcher at one of

  the world’s most renowned universities, but with a long asso-

  ciation with intelligence agencies. The other man was with a

  large aerospace firm. What started as a disturbing encounter

  became a meeting of minds.

  The two visitors seemed grim and serious prima-

  rily because their own research into the phenomenon had

  proved to be very disturbing. They dealt with radiation

  effects and other biological interactions of the phenom-

  enon with humans, a subject of which James knew nothing.

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  As they talked, he realized that the serious researchers he’d

  been looking for had arrived, and they weren’t who he had

  thought they would be. Instead, they were very much like

  him and not public ufologists. They were not the “Men in

  Black.” They weren’t interested in publicity. But they were

  very interested in helping people who needed help. Over the

  next several months, his two (ful y human) visitors exposed

  him to a nontraditional path that was as much a science as

  what he practiced at his “day job.” James had found his peers.

  James related his story and his experience of the “men

  in black” over wine at the conference dinner. I was riveted.

  He explained, “I have seen things that our current theories

  of science cannot explain, yet the evidence for them is very

  real, as real as anything that the current theories support.

  I tend not to throw out evidence, even if it doesn’t fit. In fact,

  I think what has made me successful is this very strategy,

  to not ignore what doesn’t fit, what doesn’t make sense.

  That type of evidence, the type that causes researchers to

  scratch their heads, is the type that is most attractive to

  me, and what has taught me the most. So, I know we are

  not alone. There is something here; what does it want? Is it

  studying us? I don’t know. But it is here; there is no doubt

  in my mind.”

  T H E S C I E N T I S T

  James gave his presentation to our little group the next day.

  We filed into a small conference hal , which was lit by beams

  of warm sunshine that streamed through its tall windows. We

  filled our small white coffee cups and settled into our chairs.

  James was ready with his computer. We made ourselves

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  comfortable and prepared to hear the young scientist who

  had arrived so flashily in his high- end chariot.

  As James unveiled his first slide, we all squinted to deci-

  pher the object pictured. None of us recognized what it was.

  It turned out to be a photo of a massive molecular micro-

  scope, something that none of us had ever seen before and

  probably would never see again. It was giant— like no micro-

  scope I had ever seen. It looked like a big, shiny, hospital CAT

  scanner. James’s lab had built it. From that point onward, we

  all knew that we were witnessing a level of research that was

  beyond anything we had seen before. I wondered where this

  presentation could possibly go from here.

  Each one of us had studied the phenomenon and was

  well acquainted with the relevant case studies, which were of

  individual sightings or of a flap— a series of sightings of UFOs

  by several individuals and even groups of individuals over

  a span of a few days. These case studies provided evidence

  of an aerial phenomenon that was anomalous. “Anomalous”

  was the word indicating that we had ruled out its being

  known aircraft or drones or blimps, that it was not attribut-

  able to military exercises, and that it often left physical traces

  such as burn marks on objects or grass— or people. Several

  of us had already presented case studies from the historical

  record that appeared to correlate with modern cases. It was

  clear that there was a range of beliefs among the attendees.

  Several presenters were of the opinion that the phenom-

  enon was psychological and that it involved imaginary

  projections, by people or groups of people, onto unexplained

  external stimuli. An example of this could be that a group of

  people spotted a blimp that they mistook for a UFO, and due

  to their specific group dynamic they projected onto it the in-

  terpretation that it was a hostile alien craft. The presentations

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  made in this spirit were convincing. Other presenters were

  convinced that the phenomenon was a form of nonhuman

  intelligence that wasn’t necessarily extraterrestrial but may

  be interdimensional or coexisting within our own universe,

&n
bsp; though in a different frequency. These presentations were just

  as compelling. The questions we had been pondering were all

  over the map: Was the phenomenon something that arose

  within the social imaginary? Or was it secret advanced mil-

  itary craft? Was it truly something nonhuman? We were all

  academics, and even though we were researching something

  that was considered to be on the “fringe,” we were well trained

  to follow the conventions of our respective disciplines. The

  standard baseline from which we all functioned was pretty

  conservative: unless we had proof that it was nonhuman, we

  would refrain from advocating that hypothesis.

  Like a gust of fresh air, James’s opening statements com-

  pletely and unequivocal y transcended our stoic provin-

  cialism. As we examined his pictures of the microscope and

  sipped our coffee, he blindsided us with this assertion: “We

  will start by stating that the phenomenon commonly re-

  ferred to as UFOs exists. The evidence supports that there is

  a phenomenon, it interacts with humans, but we cannot as

  yet explain it. However, we can identify its effects on humans

  and the physical channels of communications through which

  it operates. Through studying its modes of interaction with

  us, we can gain considerable knowledge about it.”

  This claim caused the hairs on our well- trained academic

  necks to rise. We were now wide awake— and not because of

  the coffee.

  To scientifical y capture all these experiences or events,

  argued James, the people predisposed to having them— that

  is, to being contacted by nonhuman intelligence— must be

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  studied. The literature shows that contact manifests as anom-

  alous experiences, as telepathic communication with aerial

  objects and beings, or as anomalous cognition (knowledge of

  future events or other knowledge for which there is no con-

  ventional explanation). It also manifests as random sightings

  of aerial phenomena that sometimes interact with witnesses

  through such things as “beams of light.” The Bible and records

  from Catholic history and other religious histories are re-

  plete with accounts of such events. James’s own experiences

  and those he had recently learned about from his relatives

  informed his theory, but he had also studied others who re-

 

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