“Parmi plusieurs de ces nations que les Grecs appellent barbares, le jour de la naissance d’un enfant est un jour de deuil pour sa famille. (Herodot. l. 5. c. 4. Strab. l. 11. p. 519. Anthol. p. 16.) Assemblée autour de lui, elle le plaint d’avoir reçu le funeste présent de la vie. Ces plaintes effrayantes ne sont que trop conformes aux maximes des sages de la Grèce. Quand on songe, disent-ils, à la destinée qui attend l’homme sur la terre, il faudroit arroser de pleurs son berceau. (Eurip. fragm. Ctesiph. p. 476. Axioch. ap. Plat. t. 3 p. 368. Cic. tusc. l. 1. c. 48. t. 2, p. 273)” [“In several of the nations that the Greeks call barbarian, the day a child is born is a day of mourning for its family. (Herodotus, bk. 5, ch. 4; Strabo, bk. 11, p. 519; Anthology, p. 16.) Assembled around him, it weeps for the child who has received the tragic present of life. These frightening laments accord only too well with the maxim of the Greek sages. When we dream, they say, of the fate that awaits man on earth, we should bathe the cradle in tears. (Euripides, fragment Cresphontes, p. 476; Axiochus in Plato, tome 3, p. 368; Cicero, Tusculanae, bk. 1, ch. 48, tome 2, p. 273)”].2 Same work, ch. 26, tome 3, p. 3. (8 Feb. 1823.)
[2672] “Le plus grand des malheurs est de naître, le plus grand des bonheurs, de mourir. (Sophocl., Oedip. Colon. v. 1289. Bacchyl. et alii ap. Stob. serm. 96. pp. 530. 531. Cic. tusc. l. 1. c. 48. t. 2. p. 273.) La vie, disoit Pindare, n’est que le rêve d’une ombre (Pyth. 8. v. 136); image sublime, et qui d’un seul trait peint tout le néant de l’homme” [“The greatest of misfortunes is to be born, the greatest happiness to die. (Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, l. 1289; Bacchylides and others in Stobaeus, sermo 96, pp. 530, 531; Cicero, Tusculanae, bk. 1, ch. 48, tome 2, p. 273.) Life, Pindar said, is only the dream of a shadow (Pythia 8, l. 136); a sublime image, which in a single stroke paints the utter nothingness of man”]. Same work, ch. 28, p. 137, tome 3.1 (10 Feb. 1823.)
“Les plaisirs de l’esprit ont des retours mille fois plus amers que ceux des sens” [“The pleasures of the mind have a return a thousand times more bitter than that of the senses”], ibid., p. 139. (10 Feb. 1823.)
“Μὴ προθυμɛῖσθαι ɛἰς τὴν ἀκρίβɛιαν φιλοσοφɛῖν, ἀλλ' ɛὐλαβɛῖσθαι ὅπως μὴ πὲρα τοῦ δέοντος σοφώτɛροι γɛνόμɛνοι, λήσɛτɛ διαφθαρέντɛς.” Plato, Gorgias, ed. Friedrich Ast, Leipzig 1819—… tome 1, pp. 362‒64. “Ne enitamini ut diligenter philosophemini, sed cavete ne, supra quam oportet, sapientiores facti ipsi inscientes corrumpamini” [“Don’t devote yourself to philosophy too diligently, indeed beware lest you inadvertently ruin yourself, becoming wiser than necessary”].2 “Φιλοσοφία γὰρ τοί ἐστιν, ὦ Σώκρατɛς, χαρίɛν, ἄν τις αὐτοῦ μɛτρίως ἅψηται· ἐὰν δὲ πɛραιτέρω τοῦ δέοντος ἐνδιατρίψῃ, διαφθορὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων.” Ibid., p. 356. “Philosophia enim, o Socrate, est illa quidem lepida, si quis eam modice attingit, sin ultra quam opus est ei studet, corruptela est hominum” [“Philosophy, O Socrates, is indeed a pleasure, if one engages in it within certain limits, but when one cultivates it in excess it is the ruin of men”].3 All the abuse of philosophy that Plato puts in the mouth of Callicles in that Dialogue, from p. 352 to p. 362 is worth looking at. There he also teaches (although Plato does it to then contradict and refute it) the true natural law: that each man or living creature is all for himself, and the stronger dominates the weaker, and enjoys the possessions of the weaker.4 (Rome, 12 Feb. [2673] 1823, first day of Lent.)
For p. 2670. “Le peuple de Leucade qui célèbre tous les ans la fête d’Apollon, est dans l’usage d’offrir à ce dieu un sacrifice expiatoire, et de détourner sur la tête de la victime tous les fléaux dont il est menacé. On choisit pour cet effet un homme condamné à subir le dernier supplice. On le précipite dans la mer du haut de la montagne de Leucade. Il périt rarement dans les flots; et après l’en avoir sauvé, on le bannit à perpétuité des terres de Leucade. (Strab. l. 10. p. 452. Ampel. memorab. c. 8.)” [“The people of Lefkada, who every year celebrate the feast of Apollo, customarily offer an expiatory sacrifice to the god, deflecting onto the head of the victim all the disasters that menace them. A man who has been condemned to death is chosen for this purpose. He is thrown into the sea from the top of the mountain of Lefkada. He rarely perishes in the waves; and after he is saved, he is banished forever from the land of Lefkada. (Strabo, bk. 10, p. 452; Ampelius, Memorabilia, ch. 8.)”]. Voyage d’Anacharsis, etc., ch. 36, tome 3, p. 402.1 (17 Feb. 1823.)
“Pianger si de’ il nascente ch’incomincia / Or a solcare il mar di tanti mali, / E con gioia al sepolcro s’accompagni, / L’uscito de’ travagli della vita” [“It is fitting to weep for the newborn who begins now to furrow the sea of so many evils, and with joy should be followed to the grave he who has departed from the travails of life”]. Ancient poet in Plutarch’s Come debba il giovane udir le poesie,2 translation by Marcello Adriani the younger, last page, that is, p. 169 of the first volume of Plutarch’s Opuscoli morali, translated by Marcello Adriani the younger, printed for the first time in Florence, Piatti, 1819. (19 Feb. 1823.) See the following page.
“Dei beni umani il più supremo colmo / È sentir meno il duolo” [“The supreme human good is to feel sorrow less”]. A judgment that contains the height of all moral and anthropological philosophy. Ancient poet in the passage cited above.3 (19 Feb. 1823.)
[2674] ῎Εμβραχυ for in sum, denique [at last], etc., as we in fact say in short. Plato, Gorgias, princeps edition by Aldus, tome … p. 457a.1 (19 Feb. 1823.)
“Grave non è nè a farsi nè a soffrirsi / Quello a che noi necessità costringe” [“It is not grievous to do or suffer what necessity compels us to”]. Ancient tragedian, in Plutarch, Discorso di consolazione ad Apollonio, one page before the middle.2 Translated by Marcello Adriani the younger. Florence 1819, tome 1, p. 194. (20 Feb. 1823.)
For the preceding page. See a saying of Crantor’s, and a fragment of Aristotle on this subject, in Adriani’s Plutarch, in the Discorso di consolazione ad Apollonio, tome 1, pp. 203–204, and a line of Menander ibid., 213.3 (21 Feb. 1823.)
“On ne fait entrer dans la cavalerie” (Lacédémonienne) “que des hommes sans expérience, qui n’ont pas assez de vigueur ou de zèle. C’est le citoyen riche qui fournit les armes, et entretient le cheval. (Xen. hist. gr. l. 6. p. 596.) Si ce corps a remporté quelques avantages il les a dus aux cavaliers étrangers que Lacédémone prenoit à sa solde (Id. de magistr. equit. p. 971). En général les Spartiates aiment mieux servir dans l’infanterie: persuadés que le vrai courage se suffit à lui-même, ils veulent combattre corps à corps. J’étois auprès du roi Archidamus, quand on lui présenta le modèle d’une machine à lancer des traits, nouvellement inventée en Sicile. Après l’avoir examinée avec attention: C’en est fait, dit-il, de la valeur. (Plut. apophth. Lac. t. 2. p. 219)” [“Only men without experience enter the cavalry” (Lacedemonian), “who do not have much strength or zeal. It’s the rich citizen who provides arms and maintains the horses. (Xenophon, Historia Graeca, bk. 6, p. 596.) If this corps had some success it was due to the foreign horsemen whom Lacedemonia had in its pay (id., De magistro equitum, p. 971). In general the Spartans prefer to serve in the infantry: persuaded that true courage is sufficient in itself they want to fight hand to hand. I was with king Archidamus when he was presented with the model of a catapult, newly invented in Sicily. After examining it attentively, he said, That’s the end of valor. (Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica, tome 2, p. 219)”]. Voyage d’Anacharsis, ch. 50, tome 4, p. 252. Apply [2675] all this to the invention and use of firearms and the modern militia.1 (23 Feb. 1823.)
For p. 2665. “Les Arcadiens se regardent comme les enfans de la terre, parce qu’ils ont toujours habité le même pays, et qu’ils n’ont jamais subi un joug etranger. (Thucyd. l. 1. c. 2. Xen. hist. gr. l. 7. p. 618. Plut. quaest. roman. t. 2. p. 286.)” [“The Arcadians regard themselves as sons of the earth, because they have alwa
ys inhabited the same country, and have never been subject to a foreign yoke. (Thucydides, bk. 1, ch. 2; Xenophon, Historia Graeca, bk. 7, p. 618; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, tome 2, p. 286.)”]. Same work, ch. 52, tome 4, p. 295.2 (23 Feb. 1823.)
“Dans les transports de sa joie” (Cydippe la prêtresse de Junon), “elle supplia la Déesse d’accorder à ses fils” (Biton et Cléobis) “le plus grand des bonheurs. Ses voeux furent, dit-on, exaucés: un doux sommeil les saisit dans le temple même” (de Junon, entre Argos et Mycènes) “et les fit tranquillement passer de la vie à la mort; comme si les dieux n’avoient pas de plus grand bien à nous accorder, que d’abréger nos jours. (Herodot. I. 31. Axioch. ap. Plat. t. 3. p. 367. Cic. Tusc. I. 47. Val. Max. v. 4. estern. 4. Stob. serm. 169. p. 603. Serv. et Philarg. in Georg. III. 532)” [“In her transports of joy” (Cydippe, the priestess of Juno), “she begged the Goddess to grant her sons” (Biton and Cleobis) “the supreme happiness. Her wishes were, it is said, fulfilled: a sweet sleep seized them in the temple itself” (of Juno, between Argos and Mycenae) “and caused them to pass peacefully from life to death; as though the gods had no greater good to grant us than to shorten our days. (Herodotus, 1, 31; Axiochus in Plato, tome 3, p. 367; Cicero, Tusculanae, 1, 47; Valerius Maximus, 5, 4, ext. 4; Stobaeus, Sermo 169, p. 603; Servius and Philargus in Georgica, 3, 532)”]. Same work, ch. 53, tome 4, pp. 343–44.3 Add Plutarch in his book on the Consolazione ad Apollonio, translated by Marcello Adriani the younger, Florence 1819, tome 1, p. 189, and see what he has on this subject.4 He considered that passage on p. 213, cited by me here overleaf. (25 Feb. 1823.)
[2676] “La statue de Telesilla” (famous poetess of Argos and a warrior, the savior of her country) “fut posée sur une colonne, en face du temple de Vénus; loin de porter ses regards sur des volumes représentés et placés à ses pieds, elle les arrête avec complaisance sur un casque qu’elle tient dans sa main, et qu’elle va mettre sur sa tête. (Pausan. II. 20. p. 157.)” [“The statue of Telesilla was placed on a column, opposite the temple of Venus; far from bringing her gaze to the volumes represented and placed at her feet, she stops it indulgently on a helmet that she is holding in her hand, and is about to put on her head. (Pausanias, 2, 20, p. 157.)”]. Same work, loc. cit., p. 338.1 So the Latin nation, the Greek nation, and all civilized antiquity could be represented: matchless and unmatched in literature and the fine arts, and yet regarding both as pastimes, and secondary occupations. Warlike, active, and strong. (25 Feb. 1823.)
“The most elegant and Attic and ancient Greek writers customarily use the word φησὶ for φασὶ in the meaning of aiunt, è fama, on dit [they say, it’s said, one says], the singular instead of the plural (an elliptical form for φησί τις, uom dice, altri dice [man says]). Likewise we commonly every day—and not only we in speaking, but also our writers, especially in the fourteenth century—use says for say, altri dice, l’uom dice, un dice (on dit) [man says, one says].” Passavanti, Venetian Edition, Bortoli, p. 251.2 “E così dice che fa il Leone” [“And the Lion, they say, does likewise”]. I remember having found this phrase in other fourteenth-century writers as well, and it seems to me undoubtedly in the Vite de’ Santi Padri.3 By what means can this usage that we have in common with the oldest and most elegant and pure Greek writers have come to us except through ancient [2677] Vulgar Latin? Every time I find some frappante [striking] similarity between Greek and Italian (especially vernacular, popular, current, spoken Italian) and likewise French and Spanish, a similarity that belongs not to the general nature of languages but to the arbitrary and accidental properties of languages, if that quality or part, etc., where this similarity occurs is not found in the Latin writers, I am certain that it is found in spoken Latin, that is, in Vulgar Latin. For this had dealings with vulgar Greek, and, what’s more, came from the same source as Greek; and from that Vulgar Latin our vernacular came. But what dealings did our vernacular ever have with vulgar Greek, that is, with spoken, and especially ancient, Greek? What dealings then with written—and also very ancient—Greek? As for our case, I don’t believe that in the Latin writers you find, e.g., ait [says] in place of aiunt [say]. But see Forcellini. (Rome, 2 March 1823.) See p. 2987.
All empires, all nations that have gained dominion over others have, from the beginning, fought with those outside, with neighbors, with enemies. Then, released from external fear, and with their ambition and desire to dominate foreigners and possess what is theirs satisfied, and with national hatred of other nations sated, they have always turned the sword [2678] against their own, and for the most part have lost through civil wars the empire and the wealth, etc., that they had won by means of external wars. You can see p. 3791. This is well known and repeated by all the philosophers, historians, politicians, etc. Hence the Roman politicians before and after the destruction of Carthage discussed the necessity of saving it, and it is discussed even today, etc. National egoism, then, is transmuted into individual egoism, and so true is it that man is, by his nature and by the nature of self-love, hostile to other living self-loving1 creatures, that, even if he joins with one of them, he does it out of hatred or fear of others, and if those passions are absent, the hatred and fear are turned against his companions and neighbors. What happened among nations happened also in cities, in corporations, in families that were important in the world, etc., united against foreign countries, until these were conquered, then divided, and clashing and full of envy, etc., within, as soon as the foreigners were subdued. So in each faction of a single city, after the other faction or factions are vanquished. See the proem of book 7 of Machiavelli’s Histories.2 And a passage in Plutarch at the end of the book Come si potria trar giovamento da’ nemici is good on this subject (Plutarch’s Opuscoli morali translated by Marcello Adriani the younger, Essay 14, Florence 1819, tome 1, p. 394). “That thing, as it seems, [2679] a wise man of government named Demus understood, who, in a civil uprising on the island of Chios, finding himself on the winning side, counseled his companions not to banish from the city all their opponents but to leave some, so that (he said) we do not begin to fight with our friends, once we are free of enemies: thus these emotions of ours” (Plutarch adds, that is, rivalry, jealousy, and envy), “used up against our enemies, will be less disturbing to our friends.”1 See also Plutarch’s Insegnamenti civili, where the quoted Translation p. 434 has Onomademus in place of Demus: ὄνομα Δῆμος [Demus by name].2
Now, the same thing happened with the human race as with families, corporations, cities, nations, empires. The wild beasts and the elements, etc., were from the start the natural enemies of men, the former objects of fear and hatred together, the latter of fear alone (if imagination did not depict them as living creatures to those early men). As long as these passions lasted toward those objects, man did not shed the blood of others, rather, he loved and sought encounters with his fellow men, their company, their help, without hatred, without envy, without suspicion, as the lion is not suspicious of the lion. That was truly the golden age, and man was secure among men, for no other reason than that he and other men hated and feared living creatures and [2680] objects that were alien to the human race, and these passions did not leave room for hatred or envy or fear of their fellows, just as hatred and fear of the Persians prevented or extinguished dissension in Greece, as long as the Persians were hated and feared. This was a kind of human egoism (as later there was national egoism), which could still exist together with individual egoism, given the said circumstances. But once caves were found or dug, for protection against the wild beasts and the elements, weapons and defensive arts invented, cities built, where men dwelt together safe from the assaults of other animals, some wild beasts tamed, others prevented from causing harm, all subdued, many made useful, fear and damage from the elements diminished. Then the human nation, so to speak, virtually the conqueror of its enemies, and spoiled by prosperity, turned its weapons against itself, and here the stories of the different nations begin, and this is the epoch of the silver age, in my view, s
ince the golden, which is not included in histories, and which remains at the mercy of legend, was the one preceding, which I have described.1 (4 March 1823.)
Plutarch at the beginning of Insegnamenti civili, translation cited above, Essay 15, tome 1, p. 403. “Much less still would the [2681] Spartans have tolerated the insolence, and the buffoonery of Stratocles, who persuaded the people” (I think Athenian, or Theban) “to make sacrifices, as the victor; who then, when the truth of the defeat was heard and they were angry, said: ‘What harm did I do you, I who kept you in celebration and joy for three days?’”1 To the Spartans can be compared the philosophers, in fact this age, in fact almost all men, who are greedy for knowledge or philosophy, and for discovering nature’s deepest secrets, and for knowing their own unhappiness as a consequence, and for feeling it as a consequence, when they would never have felt it, or for feeling it sooner. And the response of Stratocles would sound well in the mouths of poets, musicians, ancient philosophers, nature, illusions themselves, all those who are accused of having introduced or instigated, of introducing or instigating or promoting beautiful errors in the human race, or in some nation or in some individual. What harm do they do if they let us be happy, or prevent us from suffering, for three days? What injury do they do us if they hide our misery from us as much and as long as they can, or if in some way they help to make us ignorant of it, or make us forget? (5 March 1823.)
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