The general rubbed his face, moved back in his chair a few inches, completely aware that his career depended on his answer.
“Eighty percent, Mr. President.”
“Only eighty percent?”
“Sir, the Yasir Mahdi raid had a twenty-five percent chance of success.”
“I’m fully aware of that, but that operation was in a foreign country!”
“Failure in this operation has more complex political ramifications,” Tibbs said disdainfully, demonstrating his belief that the Joint Chiefs couldn’t possibly understand the politics of the operation.
“Sir, you might be more comfortable if we shared the details of the operation,” Herrera said.
“Well, isn’t that what the American people pay you folks the big bucks for?” Johnson asked sarcastically. “I assume you designed this operation with the risks in mind. I trust you will be successful.”
“But…”
“General, the president doesn’t need the details,” interrupted Brooks.
“Should Secy. Bartlett be briefed on Mexican cooperation in this operation?” Herrera sounded uncertain.
“Mexican cooperation?” repeated a confused president.
Secy. Brooks slammed his fist on the desk. “Damn it, General! We are not discussing every minute detail of this operation at this meeting. Is that understood?” Brooks spat out the last three words.
The president knew not to inquire further. Those at the upper echelon of the political food chain inside the White House knew exactly what Johnson was doing. He was protecting himself from knowing the details if the plan failed. It was called plausible deniability. In case of failure, the operation would have scapegoats. Johnson could claim not to have known the ultimate details if the plan went awry. He had an established backdoor to escape political harm in every scenario or attached to every major decision he made as president. His political operatives in the White House were the best ever assembled at providing their president with political cover from all angles.
“Is this operation ready to go?” asked Johnson.
“We would like to have twenty-four hours advance notice to go, but could operate on less. Anything less than four hours could be problematic,” said Gen. Herrera. “Of course, it depends on identifying where Cooper is at the exact moment you give orders to launch.”
“My orders will come through Secy. Brooks,” said Johnson, “when and if they come.” He leaned back in his chair, indicating he believed the discussion on the subject was complete.
“Yes, sir. May I ask everyone a question here?”
The president nodded.
“Is this a zero-sum operation?”
The president turned to Secy. Brooks with a slightly perplexed look on his face.
“Explain to the president, Gen. Herrera,” ordered Brooks.
“Sir, are we to extract Cooper at all costs? This means we may have to take out certain folks who may be protecting him, such as state troopers, Texas Rangers and even U.S. military personnel operating under the Reserves or Texas State Guard.”
President Johnson looked back at the general, then to the others in the room in disbelief.
“General, you are to follow your orders to extract Cooper for prosecution. Those protecting him are violating federal law. I expect you to treat those people as the criminals they are. I expect your operation to be one hundred percent successful. Do you understand?”
“Mr. President, just to be clear. There is a very high likelihood that we may have to neutralize those around Cooper in order to extract him successfully.”
Looking at Brooks, but talking to Herrera, Johnson continued, “Am I not being clear here? Just get Cooper, no matter what it takes, Harry!”
“We understand. Do your job,” Brooks said to Herrera, as if it were necessary to interpret Johnson’s orders.
The general knew he was never going to get the president to authorize the zero-sum possibility. That decision ultimately would be left up to others in the chain of command
The meeting adjourned with Brooks and Herrera to decide on a timeline and further plans for the operation. Johnson didn’t trust the entire cabinet to keep a launch date secret.
The president left without any small talk; he had a 12:45 p.m. tee time set with Democratic operatives, followed by a major fundraiser.
Chapter 5
“Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined.”
~ Patrick Henry
American Revolution Hero & Founding Father
Ardent Supporter of States’ Rights (Federalism)
Annabelle Bartlett knew President Johnson couldn’t help himself. She admired and loathed the man at the same time. She admired his unmatched political prowess but didn’t like his methods when he used all his weapons, including playing the race card on her during the primary process. Johnson, a political unknown outside his home state, had sprung out of nowhere to snatch the Democratic nomination from her. Despite the fact that the GOP offered up a candidate who didn’t energize the GOP, Johnson’s meteoric ascension was historic in American politics.
The primary campaign was especially brutal, but Johnson’s camp found the political sweet spot against her by tagging Bartlett a soft-core racist. The model used to destroy her in the campaign was so successful that Johnson’s operatives continued to use it to exert their political will on Congress, political foes and even those in Johnson’s own party when he needed a certain outcome. Bartlett was his first political foe where this strategy actually worked, and it worked well enough to win Johnson’s nomination over an established candidate like Bartlett.
Johnson nominated Bartlett for secretary of state to help close the ranks of his party, eyeing his re-election campaign in a matter of days after his initial election. Avery Smith managed the campaign like a world class chess master, positioning Johnson for ultimate success.
Even after her appointment, there always existed an uneasy form of détente between Johnson and Bartlett. They used each other for their individual political gains. With Johnson limited to two terms, Bartlett was in a perfect position to become the first female president after Johnson stepped down.
Unfortunately for Bartlett, she had been taken to task in the media and polling over an embassy that was overrun in Africa, where a high-ranking embassy officer and several staff were killed by Muslim extremists. Staff at the outpost had begged for additional security, and Bartlett’s State Department did not respond quickly enough to provide military assistance. State appeared dysfunctional and inept. In Senate hearings, Bartlett was combative, evasive and appeared haggard. She knew she needed to turn public opinion back in her favor, and the Texas crisis looked like a prime opportunity.
Johnson had hung Bartlett out to dry on several occasions, especially on the African embassy affair. Bartlett never forgot. Her plan was to resign to work full-time on her election campaign after the first year of Johnson’s second term, and the Texas crisis provided a unique opening she couldn’t resist. Her political handlers were wary of any Johnson administration stigma that might attach to her from the Rash Sally investigation and the suspicious events surrounding the deaths of Tim Spilner and his wife.
Bartlett contacted senior Texas Republican Sen. Kevin Simpson through Under Secy. of State Marjorie Callum for a secret meeting. Callum had reached out to the senator discreetly to gauge his temperature for a negotiation of the Texas crisis.
This was a calculated move Bartlett knew could backfire. The meeting was entirely her idea, and the administration wasn’t consulted. She had not been given a green light. Being a complete control freak who detested anyone who didn’t follow protocols and the chain of command, Johnson would be enraged if he found out the Bartlett meeting was happening without his knowledge.
Bartlett and her staff had an initial meeting with Sen. Simpson at the home of a Simpson s
taffer outside the Beltway.
Simpson was a tall, fair-skinned former prosecutor who always seemed a little stiff when he spoke publicly. He had recently become a vociferous opponent of the president. Still, he was identified as a moderate senator by many Texas voters, especially compared to the newly elected firebrand and Tea Party favorite, Sen. Roberto Perez. Perez had become something of a media darling overnight and was surprisingly effective in his first few months in office with his brazen style for confronting administration officials in various hearings.
Simpson had been rendered irrelevant since Perez’s upset win in the primary against a much better-funded establishment state Republican. Perez went on to trounce his Democratic challenger in the general election.
Now, the “Texas” problem was Simpson’s chance to steal the spotlight back, not only in Texas, but nationally. He had his own political aspirations for the GOP nomination.
Both Simpson and Bartlett knew that, if they brokered a peaceful end to the “Texas Crisis,” their political capital would shoot through the roof. They also knew that it was important to operate incognito for now from the president and the governor.
Bartlett, Callum and three staffers arrived for the meeting at a home in Arlington, Virginia shortly after dark. Bartlett traveled in an unmarked black Suburban with heavily tinted windows, driven by one of her trusted staff. When Bartlett arrived, they pulled into the long driveway and honked once. An automatic garage door opened to an empty bay. The driver carefully parked the huge SUV that barely fit without the garage door hitting the rear of the vehicle. Secrecy was paramount and no one was taking a chance of being seen.
Eight minutes later, Sen. Simpson arrived in a similar vehicle, pulling into a second empty garage bay. Inside, they all made their introductions and pleasantries, but it was clear this was Bartlett’s show.
“Thanks for coming, everyone,” she said. “As you know, this Texas crisis continues to expand and could be headed for the precipice. I am here of my own accord, without administration approval. I want all of you to know that. I know the political risk involved for Sen. Simpson and want you to know I appreciate your confidence.”
“Thank you, Madame Secretary, for arranging this meeting. I also thank you for taking the same risks. If I’m not mistaken, our goal here is to try to establish a framework for a peaceful resolution to this crisis.” Simpson sounded as if he were making a major speech from the Senate floor.
“Senator, my suggestion is to start with what we both believe each side has as the major outcome of the current crisis. I’ll begin with the administration. Johnson simply wants Cooper’s head on a plate. He’ll take the attorney general and lieutenant governor, too, and the cowboy,” Bartlett stated, referring to Pops Younger. “President Johnson was thoroughly embarrassed by the events in Austin. He was livid over the Ellington Air Force Base raid, the shutdown of air bases, and the fact that there are still federal agents under arrest and being indicted for crimes for following federal orders. And, of course, there are the deaths.”
“Secy. Bartlett, those are all reasonable assertions that do not surprise me. The major issues for Gov. Cooper are the detention of citizens, raids on homes, confiscation of Texans’ guns; lack of due process, and the incursion into Austin of federal agents and U.S. Army troops. Now we have what amounts to a blockade and the assault on the Texas banking system. What can we do to reconcile the issues?” asked Simpson.
During this exchange, it was apparent that both staffs were instructed to remain tight-lipped. Bartlett and Simpson had to restrain themselves from expressing their opinions on the crisis, with diametrically opposed views of their individual versions of the facts. They were clearly on opposite ends of the crisis and the debate. But, being the political animals they were, they were both seeking a larger outcome, and not necessarily for the good of the country nor Texas.
“Senator, let me make a proposal to start this off and you tell me if it will sell in Austin,” said Bartlett.
“Okay, Madame Secretary, I appreciate you taking the initiative,” answered Simpson.
“I would propose Justice drop all federal charges against Cooper and state officials. In return, Texas releases all prisoners who refused to sign non-intervention agreements in Austin after their arrests and, of course, a release of the federal agents arrested in the Ellington raid.”
“Seems reasonable,” said the silver-haired Simpson, resting his elbows on the table. “In return, troops on the border are pulled back, banking transactions return to normal and the blockade in the Gulf ends,” added Simpson.
Bartlett thought for a moment, then said, “I think that could work, but I can tell you this. Johnson wants and has to have some kind of skin on the wall.”
“Like what?”
“Some kind of apology, admittance of a mistake, something…”
“Wow, Madame Secretary, you obviously don’t know our governor.”
“But you do know the president. He has to perceive this as a win in some fashion.”
“Ha, never let a good crisis go to waste…”
“Don’t go there, Senator. His words, not mine.”
“I would need to know exactly what form this contrition by Cooper would be, obviously.”
“Let’s put our heads together. I need your insight on what your governor would agree to.”
What Bartlett apparently wasn’t clued in about was that, like Johnson and Bartlett’s political relationship, Simpson and Gov. Cooper were not that fond of each other, either. They also had an uneasy co-existence.
“I can tell you,” said Simpson, “if Cooper thought it would end the crisis, he would already have turned himself in to federal authorities. He doesn’t, so he hasn’t.”
The room fell silent for a few uneasy moments before Simpson continued. “The key here is what the president wants from Cooper for his act of contrition. He’s not going to get much, if anything at all, from Cooper. Cooper is a straight-forward kind of guy. Isn’t it possible to end the crisis without anyone winning?”
“Senator,” Bartlett said, “you know the president. Every move he makes is politically motivated. He has to be perceived as the winner. Now, whether it becomes patently obvious that he is or the press spins it that way, doesn’t make much difference to him.”
Bartlett hesitated slightly before expanding on her proposal. “We propose the state of Texas pay $1 million each to the eighteen victims who died in Austin, to be paid to the victims’ families.”
Despite his disagreements with Gov. Cooper, Simpson was incensed by Bartlett’s proposal. Using every ounce of civility he could muster, he replied, “Madam Secretary, I can assure you the people of Texas do not consider those eighteen folks victims by any stretch of the imagination. Also, there is the death of Mumford, the Tea Party guy.”
Bartlett sighed, then sat back into her chair. “Senator, you know Johnson. It will be difficult, if not impossible, to convince him this is better than your governor doing the perp walk in handcuffs. But it will give him skin on the wall and possibly end the crisis.”
“I don’t see it, Madam Secretary,” Simpson retorted.
“If not that, please offer something up. Otherwise, it will appear that a sitting U.S. president bowed to a governor in a crisis. Maybe your team can come up with another offer?”
“Give me a chance to run this by Cooper. Make no mistake; he’s a shrewd politician but, despite my differences with him, I do believe he has Texas’ best interests in his heart.”
“Let’s meet again in twenty-four hours. Can we all meet here or should we move the meeting?” asked Bartlett.
“Let’s move it to another location,” suggested Callum.
After agreeing to a new location, the group exited the suburban home, quietly and furtively, leaving the same way they’d arrived, secretly.
Chapter 6
“Democracy… while it lasts is more bloody than either aristocracy or monarchy. Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts
, and murders itself. There is never a democracy that did not commit suicide.”
~ John Adams
Signer of the Declaration of Independence
2nd U.S. President
Chuck Dixon had been at the center of the storm during the federal assault on the state capitol, but he was anxious to hear how the feds’ actions were affecting day-to-day life in Texas, his business, his employees and his friends.
As he drove the rental car to his business in Houston early that morning, he heard a news conference from Washington, D.C. indicating that the Federal Reserve had confiscated Texas’ $2 billion in gold that the feds held for the state. The Fed indicated it was a cautionary step due to the current instability in Texas. “That’s going to be another incentive toward secession,” Chuck muttered.
At his office in Houston, he immediately met with his entire staff. His managers informed him that his information technology business had ground to a halt. New customer contracts that were to be completed with out-of-state clients were put on hold. Cash flow had been reduced to a trickle, as the only clients paying were in-state customers who happened to bank at state-chartered banks.
Additionally, the IRS had frozen all of the company’s banking accounts, causing every employee’s last paychecks to bounce. The day after the Austin incident, the IRS again showed up at Chuck’s business to confiscate records. Despite the fact that no search warrant was produced, the agents conducted their raid, using sheer terror by showing up with dozens of federal agents wearing bullet-proof vests and flourishing assault weapons. Chuck’s employees, caught completely by surprise, offered no resistance.
Most of the employees remained, despite the raid and the fact that most had no money. They believed in Chuck and his ability to figure out a solution.
Although federal workers continued to get paid, many local police, fire and emergency crews operated without pay. There was a rising resentment against federal employees. Texans, in general, who were by nature distrustful of Washington, D.C., were incensed that federal employees were still being paid, yet benefits Texans had earned were not.
A State of Treason Page 6
