A State of Treason

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A State of Treason Page 27

by David Thomas Roberts


  “Mr. President, it is a fine line. Depending on what those plans are, we could push a close vote over the top toward secession.”

  “I say we don’t even let the vote go forward. It’s time for a military occupation of Texas. How many opportunities to flout federal law and embarrass this administration are we going to let them have?” demanded Tibbs.

  Smith sat in his chair next to the president, rubbing his balding head where he had combed over his few strands of hair, while the president sat with his chin in his left hand. Both these idiosyncrasies were tell-tale signs of the personalities of each man when in deep thought or extreme stress.

  “I think the threat of military action at this point would drive a deeper wedge, Mr. President,” offered Bartlett. “It would surely push the vote over to the independence-leaning faction.”

  “You mean the secessionists,” replied Tibbs. “Let’s not pretend these guys are Washington, Adams, and Madison. I think we need to make sure all references to these jokers are secessionists. Treasonous secessionists! We need to make sure that is the word used with the media and in all our talking points.”

  “I agree with that message. Secessionist is the word going forward,” agreed Smith.

  “So, do we launch a campaign to discredit any referendum, or do we wait? Do we issue warnings to Texans about the consequences?” asked the president, pressing for answers.

  “Annabelle, you were the last person in this room to have any direct contact with their leadership. I would be interested in your take on this particular topic,” said Smith.

  Bartlett, dressed in a 1960s style blue dress of thick material with an out-of-date huge black bow on the front and a matching hair band, pondered for a moment, then said, “If I had to guess right now, even without any additional actions by the federal government, I would say the referendum would pass. The question is, how closely? I felt a very strong sense of Texas patriotism while I was there. You all saw what happened prior to the funeral on the Austin airport tarmac. The faction that is pro-independence—uh, excuse me, Jamail—pro-secessionist, is highly energized. If turnout is low, it will surely pass because that faction will turn out its base. This assessment is strictly subjective, Mr. President. What does your polling say?”

  Smith took the opportunity to answer for the president.

  “We are diligently trying to come up with polling numbers by this evening. Our polling before the Laredo bridge incident was running at the same percentage, plus or minus, as it was right after the governor’s funeral. At that time, it probably peaked, but it was 68 percent with likely voters. I would suspect it has dropped some, but the Laredo incident may have shot the numbers upward again.”

  “Don’t we still have control over elections there? I mean, I would think these guys would rig that vote, wouldn’t you?” asked Tibbs.

  “Only with Justice Department oversight. Any insertion of federal troops in relation to that vote will likely give them the impression of our validation of such a vote,” reasoned the president.

  “And send it the wrong direction,” added Bartlett.

  “We have people on the ground who can influence that vote, but it won’t be Justice folks,” said Smith. “If we are going to intervene, it should only be to stop or to avoid that vote completely; otherwise, we run the very high risk of throwing sentiment in the opposite direction we want.”

  “Are the sanctions we have in place having an effect on the everyday Texan?” asked McDermott.

  “Yes, some. I just need to remind everyone here that Texans are fiercely independent by nature,” said Smith. “Whatever sanctions, embargoes or blockades we put in place will take longer to work than most believe. Texas has a huge economy and they are very resourceful. They also have a trump card, and it’s those damned oil and gas pipelines, and the refineries.

  “Forty-one percent of all American gasoline is refined on the Texas Gulf Coast. We have allowed our allies to get tankers in and out but, if we really want to put the squeeze on them, then we have to tell our international friends their tankers will be turned back.”

  “We have a trump card, too. It’s called the United States military,” remarked Tibbs.

  “If we think the referendum would succeed, it is my opinion that we need to put extreme consequences on such a vote in advance of it. Do you all agree?” asked the president.

  “I do,” affirmed Tibbs.

  “What are you thinking, Mr. President?” asked Bartlett.

  “We need to outline the consequences, and I suggest we do so in prime time,” directed Smith.

  “Whatever we outline, we need to make sure we will follow through. If we are going to point a gun at Texas, we sure as hell better have it loaded and be prepared to pull the trigger!” snarled Tibbs.

  “I agree with Jamail,” said Smith in one of the few situations where the two men agreed. “These cannot be empty threats or promises; therefore, these conditions must be carefully outlined, delivered and supported by Congress and the media. We need to isolate Texas and put them on an island. The Texas state leadership needs to be classified as extreme. Their motives need to be racist and terroristic.”

  “Let the propaganda fly?” questioned Bartlett.

  “Technically, we are in a war, Annabelle. We need to use every means possible to prevent this vote, including controlling the message,” answered Tibbs.

  Smith stood up and began pacing, as if some light bulb just went off in his head. “We need to make a lot of references to Lincoln and position this president in the same light under similar circumstances. Done properly, sir, your approval ratings will rise.”

  “What if our warnings and cajoling don’t work? What happens if the vote goes down anyway, and the vote turns out the way most of us think it will?” asked Bartlett, finally directly addressing the elephant in the room.

  “Then we will have a break-away state, and they will have to be dealt with using the full force of the United States military. I don’t see any other way. I don’t see a diplomatic solution at this point. Like Lincoln, it would be my responsibility to save the Union,” said the president proudly, almost relishing the idea that he could go down in history in the same light as Lincoln.

  * * *

  Avery Smith used the last few minutes before the president’s live broadcast from the Oval Office to confer with the president over the style and substance of his delivery. It was not lost on either one of them that this was the most important message this president would deliver in his presidency to date.

  Smith had already rejected the blue suit and yellow tie the president’s staff had picked out for him to wear on the broadcast. His staff thought that this color combination would make him look compassionate and reasonable. Smith put Johnson in a dark suit with a red power tie. The speech was meant to be an authoritative message from the most powerful man in the world. This was all business, and Smith wanted Texans, Congress and the media to see Johnson at full strength as commander-in-chief.

  While Johnson was normally calm, cool and collected when he was about to speak to live audiences, Smith could tell the president knew the gravity and importance of the message he was about to deliver. He watched nervously as the president uncharacteristically paced in the hallway outside the East Room, a small bead of perspiration showing above his eyebrows.

  “Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States,” came the introduction on every news channel imaginable to a world-wide audience. The scene instantly showed Johnson at his desk in the Oval Office, looking very presidential.

  “Good evening, America. This administration and Congress have worked tirelessly with the governor and state leadership of Texas, our twenty-eighth state. This current crisis, which has grown over the last fourteen months, has included the deaths of federal agents, United States military and Texas law enforcement officials. Unfortunately, it also included the deaths of the Texas governor and his wife, as well as other state officials.

  “All of these deaths and bloodshe
d were avoidable and this administration has taken every reasonable step with the state leadership in Texas to put an end to this crisis.

  “This nation was founded on the principle that, if you don’t like or agree with the current state of affairs, you change your elected officials at the ballot box. The acts that precipitated the governor’s death were illegal, and his death, although extremely unfortunate, was the result of his own actions while federal arrest warrants were being served.

  “It is time for those in Austin to come to the table with Washington, D.C. to put an end to this crisis. There are no differences that can’t be worked out. This administration is poised to make reasonable compromises and to end the financial sanctions that have been levied on Texas. I call on the governor and the statehouse of Texas to sit down with my administration,” Johnson said in an agreeable tone of voice.

  The president paused, and changed the demeanor on his face as he changed the direction of his gaze to the teleprompter on his left.

  “Let me be very clear. The demands recently put on Congress and this administration by the governor will not be heeded. The United States of America will not be bullied and will not be tethered by out-of-touch extremist demands of any kind from whatever source, even if it comes from a sitting state governor,” Johnson said sternly.

  “I have a message to this governor and all Texans. Any statewide, legislative referendum or vote of any kind to secede from these United States is unconstitutional, illegal and will not be tolerated. This administration will consider any such vote treasonous by any and all who organize the vote or maintain polling for such an illegal election.” He pointed into the camera. “The Justice Department will consider these actions a violation of federal law and they will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. Additionally, any citizen who casts a vote in favor of secession in such an illegal referendum will also be considered as committing an act of treason.”

  Johnson paused for a few seconds to let the effect of his last statement sink in.

  “Over 600,000 American lives were lost the last time this issue was visited, and America is not going to revisit it. This issue was settled in 1865 once and for all by the Supreme Court.

  “I am reminded of Abraham Lincoln and his struggle to maintain the Union. Lincoln said, ‘Stand with anybody that stands right, stand with him while he is right and part with him when he goes wrong’.”

  Johnson looked right into the camera. “Texas is wrong on this issue and it is my job as the president, as it was Abraham Lincoln’s, to maintain and protect this Union and those in Texas who are proud to be Americans.

  “To the average Texan, I say call your state legislator, state senator, your city leaders, and call your governor to demand that they settle this crisis.”

  Preparing for the most difficult part of his speech, the president hesitated to briefly clear his throat and appeared to gather his thoughts for the delivery he was about to read off the teleprompters.

  “In the interest of all Americans, if the leadership in Austin does not recognize that the opportunity to end this crisis is at hand, my administration will do what is necessary to restore normalcy to Texas and to bring them in line with our laws and the Constitution. This means there are absolutely no options that will be taken off the table, and those include military options. This crisis has exceeded my patience and that of the rest of America,” Johnson stated, furrowing his brow as if scolding a small child.

  “Gov. Brahman, I call on you directly to lead a delegation to Washington to end this crisis now. Let Texans get back to the business of living their lives as productive Americans. If you do this, I can assure you America will welcome Texas back into the fraternity of states that make up this great country. There is no more important task for this administration and your leaders in Austin than to immediately come together in the spirit of compromise to end this crisis once and for all.

  “Thank you. Good night, and God bless America.”

  The CNN host proclaimed, “The president may have just delivered one of the most important addresses in American history. Not only did he extend the olive branch to the Texas governor in a fully thought-out and reasoned attempt to end the crisis, but he just might have thrown down the gauntlet that would prevent Texas from even voting for secession by declaring the simple act of casting a ballot in such a vote as an act of treason. Simply brilliant!”

  Chapter 40

  “Revolution does not require a majority to prevail, but rather an irate, tireless minority keen to set brush fires in people’s minds.”

  ~ Samuel Adams (1722-1803)

  Founding Father &

  American Revolution Patriot

  All the chips are on the table, folks. Are we all in?” asked Gov. Brahman to a close circle of advisors, business leaders, and elected and non-elected state government officials gathered at the governor’s mansion.

  “If the president is going to put all his chips on the table, then it’s time for us to double-down,” remarked Atty. Gen. Weaver. “It’s just like him to twist the constitutional meaning of treason to fit his agenda. Unbelievable. Among the sad commentary on this entire crisis is that the average American doesn’t know he’s wrong. America’s lack of constitutional knowledge works against us here, as my bet is public opinion for the most part outside of Texas will be against us.”

  “I think that’s a given, Jeff, but this is a direct attempt to thwart the Independence referendum. I’m going to ask everyone here what they think. You are essentially in the same position as our country’s founding fathers and the founders of the Texas Republic. Your freedom and your livelihoods are at stake here. Hell, based on what this administration is capable of, your lives and those of your families could be at risk as well,” stated Gov. Brahman.

  Weaver began walking through the process of how a vote like this would be constructed.

  “The governor has to call a special session of the legislature, which will then vote on presenting a special statewide election on this referendum, absent a citizens’ petition. No petition or signatures are required by state law unless the plan is to get this on a statewide ballot during a normal election cycle. This is totally up to the legislature and the governor to put to the voters of Texas,” he stated matter-of-factly.

  “So, anyone who casts a ballot for this referendum is betting the farm, or his life that, in the end, we will be successful; otherwise, and if it’s not successful, we will likely be indicted for treason by the United States government?” asked one junior legislator.

  “According to Johnson, yes. For what it’s worth, I believe that if, in fact, we remained a state either because the vote failed or we reconciled later, that those tried for treason simply for voting for this referendum would eventually be overturned by the Supreme Court. But, of course, nothing is guaranteed,” Weaver said. “However, those of us who have organized the referendum, and those who physically put the vote forward to the voters, will likely be targets of the Justice Department. It’s also important to remember that, just because the vote passes, doesn’t mean this administration will recognize the vote or the wishes of the people of Texas. Even if the vote were to pass, it is an entirely different task to officially become a Republic again.”

  “First steps first, Jeff,” said the governor. “I have two questions for everyone here. First, will the legislature vote it forward and, secondly, will the referendum pass when presented statewide? Will Johnson’s threats be enough to keep people home? I would like to get a sense of the average Texan’s thinking. I know Gov. Cooper found Chuck Dixon to be a reliable barometer on issues facing those of us not tied to Austin in the state. Shelly, can you please see if you can track down Mr. Dixon? We should have had him here for this meeting, but I want to have a private conversation with him,” the governor told one of his trusted staffers.

  For the next two-and-a-half hours, the issue was hotly debated. At one point, the group was leaning heavily toward attempting one more shot at reconciliation. Tempers
became heated. Each had a lot at stake and most felt incredible responsibility to their fellow Texans. Consensus between the high-powered and connected politicians and business leaders was hard to find.

  Adding to the complexity of issues was guessing what the Johnson administration would actually do as a result of a vote, especially if it passed. It was not lost on the group that the president left the door open to military intervention. Brig. Gen. Sterling had briefed the group on likely scenarios that could occur if Johnson let loose with a full military option.

  Although Texas had fared well in the limited skirmishes with the feds and quasi-military units dispatched to Texas during the crisis, in no way did Texas have near the military resources to repel a full-out assault from combined U.S. military forces. It wasn’t a pretty scenario.

  There was some hope that Johnson would hold true to form as in other conflicts, backing down when challenged in other parts of the world.

  Finally, Gov. Brahman, who had mostly been silent and had listened to many of the unilateral sidebar arguments being waged in the room, had heard enough. He stood up. What he was about to say would only be heard by a relative few but would be as significant as any speech or address that had been delivered on Texas soil in her rich and storied history.

  The governor took another draw on one of the fine cigars given to him by the late Gov. Cooper and took a few paces, reversed and looked up at a portrait of the “Father of Texas,” Stephen F. Austin. Brahman blew out a long billow of smoke that seemed to extend four feet by the time all the smoke had been expelled before reaching a ceiling fan and disseminating throughout the large Victorian-style room. The governor had their complete attention.

  “I appreciate all the reasons many of you have laid out why we shouldn’t put this issue to a vote. And ninety-nine percent of those reasons are valid ones. I also appreciate the fact that we would face incredible odds in following through with Texans’ mandate if a vote for independence passed and, even more so, doing it without bloodshed,” stated Brahman as he waved his cigar to make his point.

 

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